07 November 2009 - When Devilal Tadvi of the Adivasi village of Gadkoi in Gujarat first saw the site of the Sardar Sarovar dam located about twelve kilometres from his home, a singular thought crossed his eager mind. When would the mighty Narmada water his small field? Little did he know, that not only would he get no water from the dam in the future, but that he wouldn't have much agricultural land left either.
Devilal's father Jatanbhai had already lost seven and a half acres to the dam's main canal in the early eighties. With only four acres left over that was partitioned between Jatanbhai and his four sons, Devilal's share was less than an acre. Though Gujarat Government officials promised the family adequate cash compensation when they acquired the land, they soon reneged on their sugar-coated assurances. Eventually, Jatanbhai was paid a meagre Rs.2800 an acre, impoverishing him with a stroke of a pen, for life.
Government officials also promised that all four of his sons would be employed, but only one son was hired as a clerk in a State Bank branch in the colony built for dam engineers and staff. Now Devilal was forced to work as a labourer on other people's farms, pulling out weeds all day for a tiny payment. When dry, merciless summers arrived, he had to leave home for Surat, to sweat and slog at construction sites in inhospitable conditions. But he still had hope that the Government would compensate his family for the land it had so unjustly usurped, that it would provide them Narmada waters to irrigate the fields which buttressed their lives. The compensation money never came. Nor did the water
Jatanbhai is one of thousands of farmers who lost land to the canal network of the dam, much touted as Gujarat's lifeline. The 1992 report of the Independent Review commissioned by the World Bank - which initially sanctioned a loan of $450 million for the Sardar Sarovar Projects (SSP) - puts the figure of land-owning farmers with titles who would become landless or be left with less than two hectares, at about 14,000. The report further states that based on discussions with affected families, in many regions, one title holder is equal to three or four families.
Yet, despite being uprooted from their fields, these farmers were not recognized as project-affected, and thus, not even entitled to resettlement. Instead, their lands were acquired under the Land Acquisition Act at ridiculously low rates, steeping their lives in penury for generations to come.
Jatanbhai tells the story of his loss with a straight face. His voice is calm, his words matter-of-fact: "Only when I saw them measuring other fields in the area, I found out that I'd lose mine too. They cut my standing groundnut crop. We had to feed it to our livestock. They said they'd compensate me. But they never did. After I signed the papers, the police warned me not to go to my field. What could I have done? They'd already started digging up my land with a bulldozer. Should I have sat with my head in my hands and cried?"
While lands in his area were being measured for acquisition, Jatanbhai was struck by another grave tragedy. When his sister-in-law underwent a tubectomy, his wife decided to follow suit. After asking her husband's permission, she boarded a motor vehicle for the Government hospital some 25 kilometres away. She was given an injection for anesthesia, says Jatanbhai, after which she passed away. Did he ask the doctor what happened? "The doctor had no explanation", he replies. "He only said: nasha ho gaya." Soon after, Jatanbhai pulled his children out of school, and resolved to bring them up without a mother's care. At the time, his youngest son was only three.
When he lost his mother, Devilal - the third son - was still in the seventh standard. Today, his eyes reflect his emotions when he recalls his school days. "I never had new clothes or books. Through my schooling, I wore my older brother's clothes, read from his used textbooks. We never had enough money for food, leave alone clothes. And when my father couldn't manage the expenses anymore, what option did I have? My classmates from better families continued to study, and secured jobs, as teachers, clerks or nurses. But I couldn't ..." he trails off.
Devilal, who would have been a farmer in his own right, was now forced into a life of labour to profit others, leaving him to struggle for the basic necessities of life. When agricultural work was unavailable during the summer months, he had no choice but to leave his village in a desperate bid to find work, any work. The only employment that came his way: the inhuman grind of a construction labourer. He prepared cement mixture for plastering walls, sprinkled water over buildings, lifted unbearably heavy bags of cement - the lot of an animal of burden.
His contractors would not allow him to sleep in the buildings he built for fear of theft, so he had to make the adverse footpaths his home for the nights. "My fingers had injuries", he remembers, "and the contractor would abuse me with insulting words. Arranging food was difficult, and I've had to go hungry for a day or two. My life has been very difficult. But if I don't suffer, how will my children eat?"
A few years down the line, Devilal was afflicted by a severe attack of malaria. The disease took its toll - he was ill for an entire six months. He vowed never to return to the city again. Later in 1984, he applied to the same Government Hospital where his mother had died a most unfortunate death, for a job as a nurse. He was selected, but an official kept his order pending for two months. Then, as expected, the official demanded a bribe: a thousand rupees. Devilal went from one relative to another in a desperate attempt to borrow money. When he failed to raise it, his competitor secured the position.
His brother's application for the position of a security guard in the Secretariat at Gandhinagar also fell through. The people in charge hired their relatives, and Devilal's brother, without any connections in the right places, didn't even stand a chance.
Later in the mid-eighties, Devilal took up work in an office of Jaiprakash Associates, contractors for the very dam which had uprooted him from his ancestral livelihood. For twelve years, he swept and mopped their office, and served water and tea to the staff who built the dam that had ruined him for good. He was paid Rs.22 a day. How did he manage household expenses? "You have to eat less", he answers simply. "Grain, tea and oil cost money." This from a man, whose family at one time lived off their own land.
When asked, he animatedly lists nine different crops his father once used to grow. Now Devilal can only grow tur and maize. How did he feel having to sweep and mop floors dirtied by others? "I had to", he replies without hesitation. "What else could I have done?"
Unable to make ends meet with twenty-two rupees a day, Devilal and other employees formed a union, and in the early nineties, demanded a raise. For an entire month, the workers went without wages, waiting patiently for a fair recompense. But life had a cruel twist in store which they could never have imagined. The leader of their union was bribed. The organisation fell apart. Devilal went back to work, serving tea with a straight face. Five years later, he was told there was no work for him. "Sab labour ki chutti kar di", he says. "Kam hi nahin tha."
Back to removing weeds on other people's farms, Devilal now earns a meagre Rs.30 a day for nine hours of exhausting labour. "Everything is so expensive", he complains. "A kilo of oil costs eighty rupees, a kilo of rice costs sixteen. There are six people to eat in my house, with my wife and four daughters. I'm the only one who earns. If I'm late by an hour because of household difficulties or rains, my employer sends me back home. What can I do? I live a very tough life."
Despite the tremendous odds, Devilal is confident that he will manage to survive, a skill he has learnt the hard way. What is eating at him though, is the question of his daughters' future. The responsibility of their marriages weighs heavily on his mind today. Each wedding will cost about half a lakh of rupees, he explains. With less than one acre of land, how is he to raise such a large amount? He has no choice but to mortgage his land for Rs.20,000.
And then, despite his resolute decision, it would be time again for him to return to the city he had fled, this time taking his wife along with him. The couple would have to leave their daughters behind, perhaps at the house of a relative, where they could labour on farms to survive. Taking his young daughters to the city is not safe, he knows. If he earns enough, it would still take him several years to pay back his mortgage.
The risk of losing his only acre of land, along with a life of back-breaking, dehumanising labour, stares Devilal in the face today. His only hope: compensation for the land that was commandeered from him so brutally, and water from the spectacular dam to quench his leftover field. With neither possibility in sight, Devilal must return to a city which glitters with a million lights, yet leaves his life condemned to darkness.
Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2009/nov/
Neeta Deshpande is a freelance writer based in Bangalore. This article is part of a series on uprootment and survival in the Narmada valley. Names of persons in this article have been changed
Wednesday, November 25, 2009
Lalgarh: Deprived of a peace of life - Soma Mitra
13 August 2009 - Lalgarh (WFS) - Once a decrepit block of West Bengal, Lalgarh in West Midnapore district has turned into a battlefield. Over the last few months, hundreds of women have taken to the streets shouting slogans as they march in processions of protest.
Why has this happened? Why have ordinary women found it necessary to pick up arms? At one level, Lalgarh is a turf war between the Communist Party India (Marxist), the People's Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCPA) and the insurgent Maoists. At another, it is also about a troubled community fighting for survival and the simple necessities of life, such as potable water and education for their children.
We are deprived of clean drinking water, we are deprived of proper schools and, frankly speaking, the government has done nothing for us. We have no other way but to revolt against the government," says Shashi Murmu, 28, of Mulapara village. Her mother, Tara, 51, who has also taken up arms, adds, "For a long while, we have been deprived of everything. We have decided that from now we will fight the government." There are about 600 families at Mulapara in the Shalboni block of East Midnapore district where the Jindal Special Economic Zone (SEZ) is slated to come up. And almost all the families there highlight the same woes as Shashi and Tara
Surprisingly, the women do not appear scared of any police reaction that their protests may invite. Police atrocity is nothing new for the villagers of these areas, who state that the police indiscriminately pick up villagers whenever there is a Maoist attack. In fact, the men who flee from the villages as soon as combined operations are announced and the women are left to face the wrath of the security forces. While the police claim that they do not generally pick up women for interrogation, people here have no recourse should they find themselves treated harshly and unjustly. They don't have access to legal support, for instance.
Government agencies were shaken once images of women with arms began flooding the media recently. Some weeks ago, the state government decided to send a six-member delegation to assess the actual situation on the ground. The experience of this delegation was a major eye-opener. "I was shocked to see many are yet to get ration cards. People who should rightly have been enlisted as Below the Poverty Line (BPL) are listed as Above Poverty Line (APL)," R D Meena, Secretary, Backward Classes Welfare, a delegate, is reported to have
Says Gouri Mahato of Domahani village, "The panchayat (village council) had assured my family of job cards under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) scheme two years ago but that has not happened till date." The NREGA provides a legal guarantee for 100 days of employment in every financial year to adult members of any rural household willing to do public work-related unskilled manual work for a statutory minimum wage.
Gouri's family had five bighas (One bigha = 0.4 hectare) of land. But the family was forced to sell it off when her mother fell critically ill. The mother had to be taken to a Kolkata hospital for treatment as the Lalgarh health centre had no doctor on duty. So a job card means a great deal to Gouri's family.
But, perhaps, Gouri, with no job card, is better off than Krishna Halder, who was issued a job card under NREGA two years ago. Even though Krishna was lucky enough to have the prized card, she had been issued only 14 days of work over the last two years. In a world where Krishna has to struggle to make ends meet for her family, her job card did not help. The daily struggle of life took its toll on the family. Krishna saw her son joining the PCPA and later on the Maoists before being taken into police custody.
Earlier these villages of West Midnapore district were the stronghold of the CPI(M). However, despite numerous promises and 33 years of Left rule, Lalgarh has yet to get a proper irrigation system and, in the absence of other necessary infrastructure, a large section of people here are still dependent on forest produce for their livelihood.
Take the case of Mohua Baskey, who goes into the forest every day at about five in the morning to collect 'kendu pata' (leaves used to roll tobacco to make indigenous cigarettes or 'beedis'). Her 14-year-old daughter accompanies her on this daily two kilometre walk to the forest to supplement the family's meagre income. The early morning toil and subsequent trip to the market only result in a meager Rs.15 to Rs.20 each day, for their family of four.
One can't help wondering why Mohua is not getting her daughter educated. "There is a school in our locality. Besides, if I allow my daughter to go to school our income would be reduced by half," says Mohua in the matter-of-fact manner. Ironically, every year the government sanctions millions for developmental projects in these backward areas of the state but the fund remains unutilised.
For instance, in the last financial year, Rs.5,000 million was sanctioned for the development of Paschimanchal (western range of the state) Development Affairs. This area is largely under the control of the Maoists and includes parts of West Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia. Only Rs 350 million of this amount has been used till date, according to the state's budget statement of 2009-10.
The people of Lalgarh are heavily dependent on the Public Distribution System (PDS) for their daily nourishment and the government is required to make available PDS supplies of foodgrain at reasonable prices to consumers. But corruption has brought the local PDS system to the verge of collapse.
Take the case of the around 400 families in Gopalpur village, all of whom have ration cards. As these families are listed as BPL they are supposed to get 25 kilograms of rice at a rate of Rs.2.50 a month. However, villagers complain that ration dealers say they are entitled to only 10 kilograms of rice a month. Furthermore, it is said that the ration dealers have not returned to the villagers their ration cards. Hunger now has begun to stalk their lives: Mayarani Hul, 62, of village Amlasoli, recently lost her only son to malnutrition.
Not many perceive the human tragedy that has given rise to the culture of violence that marks Lalgarh today. Even women, who have never been in the forefront of such agitations, have now taken to violence simply to draw attention to the violation of their rights as citizens of this country. (Women's Feature Service) ⊕
Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2009/aug/hrt-lalgarh.htm
Soma Mitra is freelance journalist based in Kolkata
Why has this happened? Why have ordinary women found it necessary to pick up arms? At one level, Lalgarh is a turf war between the Communist Party India (Marxist), the People's Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCPA) and the insurgent Maoists. At another, it is also about a troubled community fighting for survival and the simple necessities of life, such as potable water and education for their children.
We are deprived of clean drinking water, we are deprived of proper schools and, frankly speaking, the government has done nothing for us. We have no other way but to revolt against the government," says Shashi Murmu, 28, of Mulapara village. Her mother, Tara, 51, who has also taken up arms, adds, "For a long while, we have been deprived of everything. We have decided that from now we will fight the government." There are about 600 families at Mulapara in the Shalboni block of East Midnapore district where the Jindal Special Economic Zone (SEZ) is slated to come up. And almost all the families there highlight the same woes as Shashi and Tara
Surprisingly, the women do not appear scared of any police reaction that their protests may invite. Police atrocity is nothing new for the villagers of these areas, who state that the police indiscriminately pick up villagers whenever there is a Maoist attack. In fact, the men who flee from the villages as soon as combined operations are announced and the women are left to face the wrath of the security forces. While the police claim that they do not generally pick up women for interrogation, people here have no recourse should they find themselves treated harshly and unjustly. They don't have access to legal support, for instance.
Government agencies were shaken once images of women with arms began flooding the media recently. Some weeks ago, the state government decided to send a six-member delegation to assess the actual situation on the ground. The experience of this delegation was a major eye-opener. "I was shocked to see many are yet to get ration cards. People who should rightly have been enlisted as Below the Poverty Line (BPL) are listed as Above Poverty Line (APL)," R D Meena, Secretary, Backward Classes Welfare, a delegate, is reported to have
Says Gouri Mahato of Domahani village, "The panchayat (village council) had assured my family of job cards under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) scheme two years ago but that has not happened till date." The NREGA provides a legal guarantee for 100 days of employment in every financial year to adult members of any rural household willing to do public work-related unskilled manual work for a statutory minimum wage.
Gouri's family had five bighas (One bigha = 0.4 hectare) of land. But the family was forced to sell it off when her mother fell critically ill. The mother had to be taken to a Kolkata hospital for treatment as the Lalgarh health centre had no doctor on duty. So a job card means a great deal to Gouri's family.
But, perhaps, Gouri, with no job card, is better off than Krishna Halder, who was issued a job card under NREGA two years ago. Even though Krishna was lucky enough to have the prized card, she had been issued only 14 days of work over the last two years. In a world where Krishna has to struggle to make ends meet for her family, her job card did not help. The daily struggle of life took its toll on the family. Krishna saw her son joining the PCPA and later on the Maoists before being taken into police custody.
Earlier these villages of West Midnapore district were the stronghold of the CPI(M). However, despite numerous promises and 33 years of Left rule, Lalgarh has yet to get a proper irrigation system and, in the absence of other necessary infrastructure, a large section of people here are still dependent on forest produce for their livelihood.
Take the case of Mohua Baskey, who goes into the forest every day at about five in the morning to collect 'kendu pata' (leaves used to roll tobacco to make indigenous cigarettes or 'beedis'). Her 14-year-old daughter accompanies her on this daily two kilometre walk to the forest to supplement the family's meagre income. The early morning toil and subsequent trip to the market only result in a meager Rs.15 to Rs.20 each day, for their family of four.
One can't help wondering why Mohua is not getting her daughter educated. "There is a school in our locality. Besides, if I allow my daughter to go to school our income would be reduced by half," says Mohua in the matter-of-fact manner. Ironically, every year the government sanctions millions for developmental projects in these backward areas of the state but the fund remains unutilised.
For instance, in the last financial year, Rs.5,000 million was sanctioned for the development of Paschimanchal (western range of the state) Development Affairs. This area is largely under the control of the Maoists and includes parts of West Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia. Only Rs 350 million of this amount has been used till date, according to the state's budget statement of 2009-10.
The people of Lalgarh are heavily dependent on the Public Distribution System (PDS) for their daily nourishment and the government is required to make available PDS supplies of foodgrain at reasonable prices to consumers. But corruption has brought the local PDS system to the verge of collapse.
Take the case of the around 400 families in Gopalpur village, all of whom have ration cards. As these families are listed as BPL they are supposed to get 25 kilograms of rice at a rate of Rs.2.50 a month. However, villagers complain that ration dealers say they are entitled to only 10 kilograms of rice a month. Furthermore, it is said that the ration dealers have not returned to the villagers their ration cards. Hunger now has begun to stalk their lives: Mayarani Hul, 62, of village Amlasoli, recently lost her only son to malnutrition.
Not many perceive the human tragedy that has given rise to the culture of violence that marks Lalgarh today. Even women, who have never been in the forefront of such agitations, have now taken to violence simply to draw attention to the violation of their rights as citizens of this country. (Women's Feature Service) ⊕
Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2009/aug/hrt-lalgarh.htm
Soma Mitra is freelance journalist based in Kolkata
Sunday, November 22, 2009
Need to strengthen climate diplomacy -
25 October 2009 - The mean temperature at global climate negotiations is rising sharply, mirroring the thermometer in many parts of the mostly developing world. The UN Framework Convention Climate Change (UNFCC) has, in a carefully timed release for the forthcoming negotiations over the extension of the Kyoto Protocol in Copenhagen this December, shown how industrial countries have in fact been increasing their emissions.
It says: "Data submitted to the UNFCCC show that greenhouse gas emissions of the 40 industrialised countries that have reporting obligations under the Convention rose by one per cent from 2006 to 2007." Yvo de Boer, Executive Secretary of the UNFCCC, says, "The continuing growth of emissions from industrialised countries remains worrying, despite the expectation of a momentary dip brought about by the global recession. ... The numbers for 2007 underscore ... the urgent need to seal a comprehensive, fair and effective climate change deal in Copenhagen in December."
One of the most unfortunate developments in the build-up to Copenhagen is Western countries' antipathy to India's so-called obduracy in not being pro-active on this issue. Witness a recent article in the Economist, reflecting conservative elite opinion in Europe: "India says that it will accept only a limit on emissions per person that matches rich countries. That is so easily satisfied that it is no condition at all." All very well for the smug condescension of this weekly, but they need to be reminded that the average Indian emits only 1.3 tonnes of carbon dioxide per year, while the world average is 4.4 and the average American is responsible of 20 tonnes per year. What cuts have rich industrial countries accepted in the first place?
Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh's letter to the PM, which the media exposed this week, clearly indicates that India should pull out of the Kyoto Protocol, which the US hasn't ratified, although it has signed the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change along with 190 other countries. The first phase of the protocol, a convention instrument, ends in 2012. He also proposes that India should undertake voluntary cuts without first demanding funding and technology for such actions, as the protocol specifies. The protocol imposes emission cuts only for industrial countries and penalties for violations
All these shifts are in direct contradiction to India's oft-repeated policy of insisting that, as the UN agreements specify, there ought to be 'common but differentiated responsibility' for taking action on mitigating climate change. Indeed, at least during the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 and till recently, India articulated this position on behalf of G77 countries.
New strength to Indian arguments
One reason for the poor international image of India as a deal-breaker is the absence in the public discourse of analysis to bolster India's argument, unlike China which has gone to town with its pledges to cut the carbon-intensity of its economy (though not by how much). A welcome departure in this regard is an "Overview of India's Energy Trends: Low carbon Growth and Development Challenges" bought out by the research and analysis group Prayas in Pune in September, with Indian collaborators in Stanford University and IIT Madras
At the outset, it sets the problem in context: "India's contribution to climate change presents a daunting challenge for development. India is the fourth largest emitter of global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions after China, the United States and Russia, contributing about five per cent of total emissions in 2007. But it is also home to a third of the world's poor ... Even by 2020, with almost a fifth of the world's population, its share is expected to rise to only 7 per cent, according to the International Energy Agency's Reference Scenario. The Indian government has been uncompromising in its aversion to allowing climate considerations to slow its economic growth. Yet, within the country, growth has largely benefited the middle and upper classes, with hundreds of millions remaining in poverty."
Among its main findings:
India's energy-related emissions need to grow to alleviate poverty and raise living standards, but the extent of this need is uncertain. Business-as-usual trends do not favour the poor's development, nor do they sufficiently exploit co-benefit opportunities between climate mitigation and equitable development.
Despite reliance on coal, India is on a low carbon growth path due to low and declining energy intensity, and significant growth in carbon-free electric capacity. Some of the key drivers include high industrial energy prices, energy efficiency improvements in select industries, and inherently low-carbon lifestyle patterns, such as vegetarianism and high use of non-motorized modes and public transportation.
In the near future, the recent trends of declining energy and carbon intensity seem likely to continue. However, they are weakened by unsustainable patterns of development, such as high passenger vehicle growth. Government policies offer mixed support for these trends, for example, with promising initiatives in demand reduction and renewable energy growth on the one hand, but continued neglect of persistent inefficiencies in electricity supply on the other.
It is revealing, to see why India is already pursuing a low-carbon path in comparison to both the US and China:
Renewable energy's share of total electric capacity is more than twice that of the US, and India is among the top five countries in renewable capacity.
India's carbon and energy use per unit of GDP are both already below that of the US and China, and seem to be on a decreasing trend.
India had about 12 vehicles per 1000 people in 2007 compared to over 800 in the US. Bus, rail and non-motorized modes of transportation continue to have the largest share of passenger travel, unlike the US, where substantially more carbon-intensive modes such as private automobiles are dominant.
Industrial electricity tariffs are the highest in the world, on average. Gasoline and diesel prices are higher than those in the US and China, even in market exchange terms.
Indians consume only 1/11th of the meat eaten by an average Chinese and 1/25th of that eaten by an American, implying correspondingly lower greenhouse gas emissions associated with the sector.
In the three sectors Prayas reviewed - industry, transport, and housing - industrial energy intensity is a declining. Energy use in housing and transport were found to have relatively low intensity in comparison to the US, EU and China. This is driven by a number of factors, including structural shifts in the economy towards less energy-intensive activities, and efficiency improvements in energy-intensive industries. Because of the rapid growth of services at a rate well above industry growth and overall GDP, its contribution to the economy has grown from 44 per cent in 1990 to 52 per cent in 2005
If growth in services continues to outpace that of industry," notes Prayas, "energy intensity will continue to decline. Relatively high industrial energy and electricity prices have also disciplined energy growth, resulting in a steady reduction in the energy intensity of industries."
cites how households in India have one-third the energy intensity of American households with the same expenditure - adjusted for purchasing power parity (PPP). The high density of urban spaces forces people to live in small homes, which take less energy to build and to cool. Twenty nine percent of India's urban population lives in homes of less than 540 square feet. Despite growing meat consumption, India's aggregate meat consumption is a mere fraction of that of the US and China. The carbon impacts of the meat industry are known to be significant; the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) estimates that direct and indirect emissions (including land use change) from the livestock sector contribute 18 percent of global emissions
How do all these indices dovetail with India's development dilemmas? Of the 1.2 billion of the world's poor in 2005, over a third live in India, who comprise 40 per cent of the country's population. "Raising the living standards of almost half a billion people to decent levels, let alone to those enjoyed by middle income families, remains a daunting challenge," observes Prayas. Almost half of rural India lives in houses made from biomass, mud or unburned bricks, with little or no sanitation and poor access to drinking water. Over 70 per cent of India's population relies on traditional fuels (such as biomass) to cook.
"Over 40 per cent of India's population lacks electricity access and use kerosene for lighting. Only one-sixth of those using electricity consume over 100 kWh per month, compared to the average US household consumption of over 900 units per month. The per capita consumption of electricity of India at 481 kWh is less than a fifth of the world average of 2596 kWh. Widening access and meeting other development goals will, therefore, entail a substantial increase in generation capacity, even with improvements in utilization efficiency.
India's emissions mirror its average income level. Despite being the second most populous country in the world, India has less than a quarter of carbon dioxide and total greenhouse gas emissions of the leading emitters of the world, China and the United States, in both annual and per capita terms… The electric capacity required to provide India's 450 million poor with the basic electricity services share of this minimum is less than 8 per cent of the US electric supply."
Given the common perception that India has a low-cost economy, it may come as somewhat of a surprise to learn that retail prices of petrol (gasoline) in PPP terms have been about more than four times those of the US and almost double of those in China. Diesel prices in PPP terms were about three times those of the US and almost double those of China in 2006. Diesel prices have been on the rise since the government phased out the Administered Price Mechanism (APM), which subsidized diesel, and replaced it with the Market Determined Price Mechanism. Even in market exchange terms, the Super Gasoline prices in India in 2006 were about 1.5 times higher than the US and China prices
It is high time that instead of going on the back foot, as so many of our politicians, experts and negotiators are doing in the climate negotiations, or simply foot-in-mouth, as Jairam Ramesh is guilty of, we should simply make these facts better known, so that we have every reason to be proud that India is already well on the way to a low-carbon path.
Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2009/oct/env-lowcarb.htm
Darryl D'Monte, former Resident Editor of The Times of India in Mumbai, is Chairperson of the Forum of Environmental Journalists of India and founder President of the International Federation of Environmental Journalists
It says: "Data submitted to the UNFCCC show that greenhouse gas emissions of the 40 industrialised countries that have reporting obligations under the Convention rose by one per cent from 2006 to 2007." Yvo de Boer, Executive Secretary of the UNFCCC, says, "The continuing growth of emissions from industrialised countries remains worrying, despite the expectation of a momentary dip brought about by the global recession. ... The numbers for 2007 underscore ... the urgent need to seal a comprehensive, fair and effective climate change deal in Copenhagen in December."
One of the most unfortunate developments in the build-up to Copenhagen is Western countries' antipathy to India's so-called obduracy in not being pro-active on this issue. Witness a recent article in the Economist, reflecting conservative elite opinion in Europe: "India says that it will accept only a limit on emissions per person that matches rich countries. That is so easily satisfied that it is no condition at all." All very well for the smug condescension of this weekly, but they need to be reminded that the average Indian emits only 1.3 tonnes of carbon dioxide per year, while the world average is 4.4 and the average American is responsible of 20 tonnes per year. What cuts have rich industrial countries accepted in the first place?
Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh's letter to the PM, which the media exposed this week, clearly indicates that India should pull out of the Kyoto Protocol, which the US hasn't ratified, although it has signed the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change along with 190 other countries. The first phase of the protocol, a convention instrument, ends in 2012. He also proposes that India should undertake voluntary cuts without first demanding funding and technology for such actions, as the protocol specifies. The protocol imposes emission cuts only for industrial countries and penalties for violations
All these shifts are in direct contradiction to India's oft-repeated policy of insisting that, as the UN agreements specify, there ought to be 'common but differentiated responsibility' for taking action on mitigating climate change. Indeed, at least during the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 and till recently, India articulated this position on behalf of G77 countries.
New strength to Indian arguments
One reason for the poor international image of India as a deal-breaker is the absence in the public discourse of analysis to bolster India's argument, unlike China which has gone to town with its pledges to cut the carbon-intensity of its economy (though not by how much). A welcome departure in this regard is an "Overview of India's Energy Trends: Low carbon Growth and Development Challenges" bought out by the research and analysis group Prayas in Pune in September, with Indian collaborators in Stanford University and IIT Madras
At the outset, it sets the problem in context: "India's contribution to climate change presents a daunting challenge for development. India is the fourth largest emitter of global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions after China, the United States and Russia, contributing about five per cent of total emissions in 2007. But it is also home to a third of the world's poor ... Even by 2020, with almost a fifth of the world's population, its share is expected to rise to only 7 per cent, according to the International Energy Agency's Reference Scenario. The Indian government has been uncompromising in its aversion to allowing climate considerations to slow its economic growth. Yet, within the country, growth has largely benefited the middle and upper classes, with hundreds of millions remaining in poverty."
Among its main findings:
India's energy-related emissions need to grow to alleviate poverty and raise living standards, but the extent of this need is uncertain. Business-as-usual trends do not favour the poor's development, nor do they sufficiently exploit co-benefit opportunities between climate mitigation and equitable development.
Despite reliance on coal, India is on a low carbon growth path due to low and declining energy intensity, and significant growth in carbon-free electric capacity. Some of the key drivers include high industrial energy prices, energy efficiency improvements in select industries, and inherently low-carbon lifestyle patterns, such as vegetarianism and high use of non-motorized modes and public transportation.
In the near future, the recent trends of declining energy and carbon intensity seem likely to continue. However, they are weakened by unsustainable patterns of development, such as high passenger vehicle growth. Government policies offer mixed support for these trends, for example, with promising initiatives in demand reduction and renewable energy growth on the one hand, but continued neglect of persistent inefficiencies in electricity supply on the other.
It is revealing, to see why India is already pursuing a low-carbon path in comparison to both the US and China:
Renewable energy's share of total electric capacity is more than twice that of the US, and India is among the top five countries in renewable capacity.
India's carbon and energy use per unit of GDP are both already below that of the US and China, and seem to be on a decreasing trend.
India had about 12 vehicles per 1000 people in 2007 compared to over 800 in the US. Bus, rail and non-motorized modes of transportation continue to have the largest share of passenger travel, unlike the US, where substantially more carbon-intensive modes such as private automobiles are dominant.
Industrial electricity tariffs are the highest in the world, on average. Gasoline and diesel prices are higher than those in the US and China, even in market exchange terms.
Indians consume only 1/11th of the meat eaten by an average Chinese and 1/25th of that eaten by an American, implying correspondingly lower greenhouse gas emissions associated with the sector.
In the three sectors Prayas reviewed - industry, transport, and housing - industrial energy intensity is a declining. Energy use in housing and transport were found to have relatively low intensity in comparison to the US, EU and China. This is driven by a number of factors, including structural shifts in the economy towards less energy-intensive activities, and efficiency improvements in energy-intensive industries. Because of the rapid growth of services at a rate well above industry growth and overall GDP, its contribution to the economy has grown from 44 per cent in 1990 to 52 per cent in 2005
If growth in services continues to outpace that of industry," notes Prayas, "energy intensity will continue to decline. Relatively high industrial energy and electricity prices have also disciplined energy growth, resulting in a steady reduction in the energy intensity of industries."
cites how households in India have one-third the energy intensity of American households with the same expenditure - adjusted for purchasing power parity (PPP). The high density of urban spaces forces people to live in small homes, which take less energy to build and to cool. Twenty nine percent of India's urban population lives in homes of less than 540 square feet. Despite growing meat consumption, India's aggregate meat consumption is a mere fraction of that of the US and China. The carbon impacts of the meat industry are known to be significant; the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) estimates that direct and indirect emissions (including land use change) from the livestock sector contribute 18 percent of global emissions
How do all these indices dovetail with India's development dilemmas? Of the 1.2 billion of the world's poor in 2005, over a third live in India, who comprise 40 per cent of the country's population. "Raising the living standards of almost half a billion people to decent levels, let alone to those enjoyed by middle income families, remains a daunting challenge," observes Prayas. Almost half of rural India lives in houses made from biomass, mud or unburned bricks, with little or no sanitation and poor access to drinking water. Over 70 per cent of India's population relies on traditional fuels (such as biomass) to cook.
"Over 40 per cent of India's population lacks electricity access and use kerosene for lighting. Only one-sixth of those using electricity consume over 100 kWh per month, compared to the average US household consumption of over 900 units per month. The per capita consumption of electricity of India at 481 kWh is less than a fifth of the world average of 2596 kWh. Widening access and meeting other development goals will, therefore, entail a substantial increase in generation capacity, even with improvements in utilization efficiency.
India's emissions mirror its average income level. Despite being the second most populous country in the world, India has less than a quarter of carbon dioxide and total greenhouse gas emissions of the leading emitters of the world, China and the United States, in both annual and per capita terms… The electric capacity required to provide India's 450 million poor with the basic electricity services share of this minimum is less than 8 per cent of the US electric supply."
Given the common perception that India has a low-cost economy, it may come as somewhat of a surprise to learn that retail prices of petrol (gasoline) in PPP terms have been about more than four times those of the US and almost double of those in China. Diesel prices in PPP terms were about three times those of the US and almost double those of China in 2006. Diesel prices have been on the rise since the government phased out the Administered Price Mechanism (APM), which subsidized diesel, and replaced it with the Market Determined Price Mechanism. Even in market exchange terms, the Super Gasoline prices in India in 2006 were about 1.5 times higher than the US and China prices
It is high time that instead of going on the back foot, as so many of our politicians, experts and negotiators are doing in the climate negotiations, or simply foot-in-mouth, as Jairam Ramesh is guilty of, we should simply make these facts better known, so that we have every reason to be proud that India is already well on the way to a low-carbon path.
Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2009/oct/env-lowcarb.htm
Darryl D'Monte, former Resident Editor of The Times of India in Mumbai, is Chairperson of the Forum of Environmental Journalists of India and founder President of the International Federation of Environmental Journalists
Breaking the silence - Kalpana Sharma
27 October 2008 - The economy is in meltdown mode and our political parties are in election mode. So even as those who cannot take it anymore are opting out of life altogether, old wounds are being opened again to ignite communal passions, resulting in the loss of life and injury to many who want to live. It is a time when it would be easy to panic, about one’s personal future and about the future of the country.
Yet, even at times of apparent madness, you hear sane voices that remind you that all is not lost; that there are still institutions that understand the silent emergencies that people face in ostensibly normal times.
A recent ruling by the Bombay High Court can be viewed as one of these positive flickers of hope. Unfortunately, despite the relevance of the judges’ comments, the case has had little coverage in the media.
Encouraging observations
In a ruling on a case of sexual harassment against a private sector company, the two-judge bench has made observations that would encourage women who face such problems but are afraid to talk about them.
A woman employee of an Indian company filed the case. She says her superior male colleague subjected her to harassment. Initially, she did not complain, as she was afraid of losing her job. But, she alleges, that the officer posted her out to another project site “for not cooperating” with him. Four years later, when the project failed to take off, all the other women employees were given the option of moving out except her. The harassment also continued.
In 2004, the woman finally complained to the State Women’s Commission and also to the District Collector. She also filed an FIR with the local police station. The women’s commission sent a notice to the company asking it to inquire into the woman’s complaint. The company appointed an enquiry officer, an advocate, to look into the complaint. The latter exonerated the officer against whom the complaint had been made. Within a week of his report, the woman was dismissed from service.
Even then she did not give up and went to the Labour Court and complained about unfair dismissal. The Labour Court upheld her appeal and directed the company to reinstate her last year. The company failed to comply with the Labour Court’s ruling.
If a woman who suffers sexual harassment speaks out, she faces the additional problem of not being employable as other companies might see her as some kind of “trouble-maker”.
The Bombay High Court’s ruling is important for a number of reasons. For one, it reminds us that the law of the land requires that work places where women are employed must institute a committee headed by a woman and consisting of at least 50 per cent of women members and a civil society representative to look into such complaints. In this instance, the company did not do this and instead appointed a single person to inquire into the matter.
Secondly, the case reminds us of the important role that women’s commissions can play in such cases. Women are often afraid to go directly to court. The women’s commission is often the first step. If the woman had not gone to the women’s commission, perhaps her case would never have reached the court. A woman who suffers sexual harassment is in a very lonely place. She is afraid to speak out for fear of losing her job. And if she does, she faces the additional problem of not being employable as other companies might see her as some kind of “trouble-maker”. As a result, most women silently bear harassment and sometimes voluntarily opt out of jobs or positions where they are harassed. The silence ensures that more of this kind of harassment continues.
Constitutional basis
However, even one such case breaks through the shroud of silence. The remarks of the two judges, Justice Ranjana Desai and Justice D Y Chandrachud, remind us of the basis on which the law of sexual harassment was formulated. It recognises women as having the same rights to life and liberty as any Indian citizen. And that to discriminate against them just because of their gender is to actually deny them that right. I quote below a part of the ruling in this case:
“The right to gender equality is intrinsic to the right to life under Article 21 of the Constitution. The right to life comprehends the right to live with dignity. An affront to or the invasion of gender is destructive of the right of every woman to live with dignity. Article 15 of the Constitution, which contains a prohibition inter alia against discrimination by the State on the ground of sex is an emanation of that right. The provisions of the Constitution recognise gender equality as a fundamental right. Gender equality in all its dimensions is a basic human right which is recognised by and embodied in the provisions of the Constitution. The broad sweep of the human right to gender equality traverses every facet of the position of a woman in society. The right comprehends the preservation of the dignity of women. At a basic level, gender equality postulates protection of women against all those practices which invade upon the dignity of being and the privacy of the person. A dignified existence includes the right to earn one’s livelihood in conditions that are fair and gender neutral. A condition which operates to disadvantage a woman worker on the ground of gender is fundamentally anachronistic to the vision of our constitutional order. Gender as a concept has wider dimensions than sex. Gender equality postulates the realisation of societal values that travel beyond a mere notion of sexual equality. Gender in that sense denotes the realisation of every facet of personality that contributes to the fullness of life to which a woman is entitled.”
“Gender equality traverses every facet of the position of a woman in a society”. That is the key sentence. This is what women must hold on to and believe in as they fight for their rights as citizens. ⊕
Kalpana Sharma has been Chief of the Mumbai Bureau and Deputy Editor with The Hindu. Her opinions, which appear in a regular column with The Hindu, are concurrently published in India Together with permission.
Yet, even at times of apparent madness, you hear sane voices that remind you that all is not lost; that there are still institutions that understand the silent emergencies that people face in ostensibly normal times.
A recent ruling by the Bombay High Court can be viewed as one of these positive flickers of hope. Unfortunately, despite the relevance of the judges’ comments, the case has had little coverage in the media.
Encouraging observations
In a ruling on a case of sexual harassment against a private sector company, the two-judge bench has made observations that would encourage women who face such problems but are afraid to talk about them.
A woman employee of an Indian company filed the case. She says her superior male colleague subjected her to harassment. Initially, she did not complain, as she was afraid of losing her job. But, she alleges, that the officer posted her out to another project site “for not cooperating” with him. Four years later, when the project failed to take off, all the other women employees were given the option of moving out except her. The harassment also continued.
In 2004, the woman finally complained to the State Women’s Commission and also to the District Collector. She also filed an FIR with the local police station. The women’s commission sent a notice to the company asking it to inquire into the woman’s complaint. The company appointed an enquiry officer, an advocate, to look into the complaint. The latter exonerated the officer against whom the complaint had been made. Within a week of his report, the woman was dismissed from service.
Even then she did not give up and went to the Labour Court and complained about unfair dismissal. The Labour Court upheld her appeal and directed the company to reinstate her last year. The company failed to comply with the Labour Court’s ruling.
If a woman who suffers sexual harassment speaks out, she faces the additional problem of not being employable as other companies might see her as some kind of “trouble-maker”.
The Bombay High Court’s ruling is important for a number of reasons. For one, it reminds us that the law of the land requires that work places where women are employed must institute a committee headed by a woman and consisting of at least 50 per cent of women members and a civil society representative to look into such complaints. In this instance, the company did not do this and instead appointed a single person to inquire into the matter.
Secondly, the case reminds us of the important role that women’s commissions can play in such cases. Women are often afraid to go directly to court. The women’s commission is often the first step. If the woman had not gone to the women’s commission, perhaps her case would never have reached the court. A woman who suffers sexual harassment is in a very lonely place. She is afraid to speak out for fear of losing her job. And if she does, she faces the additional problem of not being employable as other companies might see her as some kind of “trouble-maker”. As a result, most women silently bear harassment and sometimes voluntarily opt out of jobs or positions where they are harassed. The silence ensures that more of this kind of harassment continues.
Constitutional basis
However, even one such case breaks through the shroud of silence. The remarks of the two judges, Justice Ranjana Desai and Justice D Y Chandrachud, remind us of the basis on which the law of sexual harassment was formulated. It recognises women as having the same rights to life and liberty as any Indian citizen. And that to discriminate against them just because of their gender is to actually deny them that right. I quote below a part of the ruling in this case:
“The right to gender equality is intrinsic to the right to life under Article 21 of the Constitution. The right to life comprehends the right to live with dignity. An affront to or the invasion of gender is destructive of the right of every woman to live with dignity. Article 15 of the Constitution, which contains a prohibition inter alia against discrimination by the State on the ground of sex is an emanation of that right. The provisions of the Constitution recognise gender equality as a fundamental right. Gender equality in all its dimensions is a basic human right which is recognised by and embodied in the provisions of the Constitution. The broad sweep of the human right to gender equality traverses every facet of the position of a woman in society. The right comprehends the preservation of the dignity of women. At a basic level, gender equality postulates protection of women against all those practices which invade upon the dignity of being and the privacy of the person. A dignified existence includes the right to earn one’s livelihood in conditions that are fair and gender neutral. A condition which operates to disadvantage a woman worker on the ground of gender is fundamentally anachronistic to the vision of our constitutional order. Gender as a concept has wider dimensions than sex. Gender equality postulates the realisation of societal values that travel beyond a mere notion of sexual equality. Gender in that sense denotes the realisation of every facet of personality that contributes to the fullness of life to which a woman is entitled.”
“Gender equality traverses every facet of the position of a woman in a society”. That is the key sentence. This is what women must hold on to and believe in as they fight for their rights as citizens. ⊕
Kalpana Sharma has been Chief of the Mumbai Bureau and Deputy Editor with The Hindu. Her opinions, which appear in a regular column with The Hindu, are concurrently published in India Together with permission.
Mothers and motherhood
It is indeed ironic that in a society where motherhood is virtually deified, we pay so little attention to making sure that women don't die in the process of becoming mothers, writes Kalpana Sharma.
29 January 2009 - In the recent Hollywood film directed by Clint Eastwood, Changeling, actress Angelina Jolie plays the role of Christine Collins, a telephone operator in Los Angeles, California, whose nine-year-old son, Walter, disappears while she is at work. The story, set in the 1920s, brings out not just the callousness of the police department, who refuse to investigate for 24 hours insisting that the child will turn up, but also the attitude of the police towards single mothers like Christine.
When another boy is produced after a few months, and she refuses to accept that he is her son because she can clearly see that he is not, she is told by the police that she is purposely not accepting the child because she has got used to her 'freedom' from motherhood. She is also accused of being a bad mother for having left her child alone in the house. In today's America, it is unlikely that any police department would go on record with such outrageous statements even if individual policemen might still think along these lines.
The film reminds us of the constant challenge that women face as they shoulder the primary responsibility of motherhood. In our context in India, it is also a reminder that just the process of becoming mothers, of producing children, is fraught with grave risk for millions of women.
Last fortnight, several newspapers carried stories on this reality on their front pages. The unlikely stories about maternal mortality, given that such news rarely merits any serious attention from the media, was prompted by the release of UNICEF's 2009 State of the World's Children report. Amongst other facts, the report reminded us that 1500 women die every day in the world due to complications arising during pregnancy and childbirth. The chances of a woman in developing countries dying before or during childbirth are 300 times greater than for a woman in an industrialised country like the U.S. Such a gap does not exist in any other social indicator.
Dismal scene
The largest number of maternal deaths in the world is in South Asia. In India alone, an estimated 141,000 women die each year during pregnancy or childbirth. This is a result of a variety of factors: child marriages where girls give birth before their bodies are ready; poverty and poor nutrition that results in high levels of anaemia in pregnant women; unsafe abortions by women who are unable to access legal facilities; unattended deliveries; often in unhygienic conditions, leading to infections and complications; and unavailability of affordable healthcare post delivery to ensure that the mother and child pull through the first hours and days.
One of the abiding mysteries of our country is why, when our growth rate is still reasonably high despite the global recession, is our progress so slow in ensuring that millions of women do not die in the process of something as routine as giving birth.
The solution has been known for years. The problem is the will to make it work. We also know that the solution would benefit everyone, not just women. Yet, affordable and accessible health care, for instance, has not received the thrust that is needed. Despite efforts to increase the number of women who can have trained help during delivery, one in every four women in India who was pregnant or delivered a child received absolutely no care in the last five years. The chances of such women developing complications, and even dying in the process, are extremely high.
The UNICEF report underlines the need to improve not just health delivery but many other aspects of living that would benefit the larger community. For instance, the absence of safe water and sanitation has a direct impact on poor women who are pregnant. Even if they survive the pregnancy and childbirth, they risk infection and even death because of the conditions in which they live and deliver.
The UNICEF report contains little that is not already known. But one of the important points it emphasises is the importance of creating what it calls a "supportive environment" for maternal and newborn health ...
"Creating a supportive environment for maternal and newborn health requires challenging the social, economic and cultural barriers that perpetuate gender inequality and discrimination. This involves several key actions: educating women and girls and reducing the poverty they experience; protecting them from abuse, exploitation, discrimination and violence; fostering their participation and their involvement in household decision-making and economic and political life; and empowering them to demand their rights and essential services for themselves and their children. Greater involvement of men in maternal and newborn health care and in addressing gender discrimination and inequalities is also critical to establishing a supportive environment."
Cultural issue
What this underlines is that reducing maternal mortality is not just a technical matter - that of providing enough trained help for women during delivery, or access to healthcare during pregnancy. It also means taking steps that would make our society as a whole more just and humane, where poverty will not exclude you from access to education and health, where gender will not deny you the right to participate in economic and political affairs, and where being a woman will be equivalent to being a human being who has rights and is valued by society.
It is indeed ironic that in a society where 'motherhood' is virtually deified, we pay so little attention to making sure that women don't die in the process of becoming mothers.
Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2009/jan/ksh-mother.htm
Kalpana Sharma has been Chief of the Mumbai Bureau and Deputy Editor with The Hindu. Her opinions, which appear in a regular column with The Hindu, are concurrently published in India Together with permission.
29 January 2009 - In the recent Hollywood film directed by Clint Eastwood, Changeling, actress Angelina Jolie plays the role of Christine Collins, a telephone operator in Los Angeles, California, whose nine-year-old son, Walter, disappears while she is at work. The story, set in the 1920s, brings out not just the callousness of the police department, who refuse to investigate for 24 hours insisting that the child will turn up, but also the attitude of the police towards single mothers like Christine.
When another boy is produced after a few months, and she refuses to accept that he is her son because she can clearly see that he is not, she is told by the police that she is purposely not accepting the child because she has got used to her 'freedom' from motherhood. She is also accused of being a bad mother for having left her child alone in the house. In today's America, it is unlikely that any police department would go on record with such outrageous statements even if individual policemen might still think along these lines.
The film reminds us of the constant challenge that women face as they shoulder the primary responsibility of motherhood. In our context in India, it is also a reminder that just the process of becoming mothers, of producing children, is fraught with grave risk for millions of women.
Last fortnight, several newspapers carried stories on this reality on their front pages. The unlikely stories about maternal mortality, given that such news rarely merits any serious attention from the media, was prompted by the release of UNICEF's 2009 State of the World's Children report. Amongst other facts, the report reminded us that 1500 women die every day in the world due to complications arising during pregnancy and childbirth. The chances of a woman in developing countries dying before or during childbirth are 300 times greater than for a woman in an industrialised country like the U.S. Such a gap does not exist in any other social indicator.
Dismal scene
The largest number of maternal deaths in the world is in South Asia. In India alone, an estimated 141,000 women die each year during pregnancy or childbirth. This is a result of a variety of factors: child marriages where girls give birth before their bodies are ready; poverty and poor nutrition that results in high levels of anaemia in pregnant women; unsafe abortions by women who are unable to access legal facilities; unattended deliveries; often in unhygienic conditions, leading to infections and complications; and unavailability of affordable healthcare post delivery to ensure that the mother and child pull through the first hours and days.
One of the abiding mysteries of our country is why, when our growth rate is still reasonably high despite the global recession, is our progress so slow in ensuring that millions of women do not die in the process of something as routine as giving birth.
The solution has been known for years. The problem is the will to make it work. We also know that the solution would benefit everyone, not just women. Yet, affordable and accessible health care, for instance, has not received the thrust that is needed. Despite efforts to increase the number of women who can have trained help during delivery, one in every four women in India who was pregnant or delivered a child received absolutely no care in the last five years. The chances of such women developing complications, and even dying in the process, are extremely high.
The UNICEF report underlines the need to improve not just health delivery but many other aspects of living that would benefit the larger community. For instance, the absence of safe water and sanitation has a direct impact on poor women who are pregnant. Even if they survive the pregnancy and childbirth, they risk infection and even death because of the conditions in which they live and deliver.
The UNICEF report contains little that is not already known. But one of the important points it emphasises is the importance of creating what it calls a "supportive environment" for maternal and newborn health ...
"Creating a supportive environment for maternal and newborn health requires challenging the social, economic and cultural barriers that perpetuate gender inequality and discrimination. This involves several key actions: educating women and girls and reducing the poverty they experience; protecting them from abuse, exploitation, discrimination and violence; fostering their participation and their involvement in household decision-making and economic and political life; and empowering them to demand their rights and essential services for themselves and their children. Greater involvement of men in maternal and newborn health care and in addressing gender discrimination and inequalities is also critical to establishing a supportive environment."
Cultural issue
What this underlines is that reducing maternal mortality is not just a technical matter - that of providing enough trained help for women during delivery, or access to healthcare during pregnancy. It also means taking steps that would make our society as a whole more just and humane, where poverty will not exclude you from access to education and health, where gender will not deny you the right to participate in economic and political affairs, and where being a woman will be equivalent to being a human being who has rights and is valued by society.
It is indeed ironic that in a society where 'motherhood' is virtually deified, we pay so little attention to making sure that women don't die in the process of becoming mothers.
Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2009/jan/ksh-mother.htm
Kalpana Sharma has been Chief of the Mumbai Bureau and Deputy Editor with The Hindu. Her opinions, which appear in a regular column with The Hindu, are concurrently published in India Together with permission.
Abortion law's grey zone: retarded mothers -Kamayani Bali Mahabal
Abortion law's grey zone: retarded mothers
The SC recently ruled that a 19-year-old Chandigarh-based mentally retarded girl must be allowed to carry on her pregnancy that was caused by sexual assault. The verdict throws open more questions than it answers, writes Kamayani Bali Mahabal.
14 August 2009 - Mumbai (WFS) - In India, a disabled girl-child is usually at the receiving end of a lot of contempt and neglect. Women with disabilities have been consistently denied their rights. In a landmark decision, the Supreme Court (SC) of India recently allowed a 19-year-old mentally challenged orphan girl to carry on with a pregnancy resulting from a sexual assault. The Punjab and Haryana High Court ruling had earlier ordered medical termination of pregnancy (MTP).
Giving the facts of the case, Advocate Colin Gonsalves who had argued for abortion in this case, said that the girl, who was kept at Nari Niketan, Chandigarh, a government institution for destitute women, was raped some time in March 2009 on the premises by the security guards. In May 2009, the pregnancy was detected. The media widely reported the rape but no institution or individual came forward in the woman's support.
"The SC judgment has focused more on pro-life arguments and the rights of the child," states Bhargavi Davar, who heads the Bapu Trust in Pune.
In the same month the Director of the Government Medical College and Hospital constituted a three-member board comprising a psychiatrist, a clinical psychologist and a special educator to evaluate the woman's mental status. Their report did not suggest anything out of the ordinary except that "she also cries almost daily". The board found her mental age to be nine years and placed her in the category of mild mental retardation.
A few days later, a four-doctor Multi Disciplinary Medical Board was constituted, which included a psychiatrist. It recommended an MTP. The Punjab and Haryana High Court ultimately went on the basis of these reports. The second one concluded that: "the continuation of pregnancy in this case can be associated with certain complications considering her age, mental status and previous surgery. There are increased chances of abortion... pre-maturity... foetal distress and more chances of operative delivery including anaesthetic complications."
The committees concluded that the woman "has adequate physical capacity to bear and raise the child but that her mental health can be further affected by the stress of bearing and raising her child."
This case thus raised fundamental issues relating to consent and to the support required while assessing consent. Eventually most mentally challenged women will, if properly supported, be able to indicate whether they wish to abort the pregnancy or proceed with it, concludes Gonsalves.
Shampa Sengupta, Director of the Sruti Disability Centre in Kolkata, says that if the woman wants to keep the baby she should be allowed to do so. "We as civil society must take the responsibility of supporting her. How can we forget the UN Rights of Persons with Disabilities Convention?" she asks.
Sengupta, who has worked on disability for the last 10 years, adds, "How can we say her choice is not valid? Because the doctors say so? If you or I do not consider the doctor's word as final, why should this young girl? Also, why is it that no one is talking about the rapists and how Nirmala Niketan came to have male employees?"
According to Bhargavi Davar, whether a mentally challenged woman has the 'capacity' to take care of the child is a question riddled with prejudices and stereotypes. Pic: WFS.
"The SC judgment has focused more on pro-life arguments and the rights of the child," states Bhargavi Davar, who heads the Bapu Trust in Pune, an organisation devoted to challenging the mindset and practices of the Indian mental health establishment. She points out that several women's organisations have responded to this judgment by focusing on women's rights and the right to abortion.
But nowhere in this dialogue between the state and civil society has the issue of reproductive rights and sexuality in the context of psychosocial and mental disability been discussed.
Many state institutions for women living with a mental disabilities, with the co-operation of families, routinely sterilise, abort or give the child away for adoption without the consent of the mother. Many women's organisations and NGOs that provide care have an equally problematic custodial outlook towards such persons. Argues Davar, "In this case, we have not heard the woman's voice anywhere, while we have several third party arbitrations and advocacy. We do not know what the woman wants. Whether the mentally challenged woman has the 'capacity' to take care of the child is another question riddled with prejudices and stereotypes."
In the 1990s at Sirur, Maharashtra, 17 mentally challenged girls below 18 years were peremptorily hysterectomised. The state chose to control the girls' reproductive rights by deploying extreme measures. The professionals involved in that decision neither denied that hysterectomies were done, nor did they perceive them as a violation. They justified them as having been done in the best interests of the girls.
Dr Anant Phadke from Pune who filed a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) on the issue, says that case is still on. In January 2009, the state filed an affidavit stating "Mentally retarded adolescent girls or adult women have no sense of hygiene during menstruation." Shockingly, this is the prime reason given by the government for backing the controversial decision. Justifying its move, the government stated that, unlike stools or urine, menstrual flow is continuous and lasts up to at least 100 hours a month.
It added that caregivers find it difficult to deal with inmates who are uncooperative; and that poor hygiene can lead to infection and laceration on thighs and genitals and that increased flow can cause anaemia. Behavioural problems and psychotic symptoms also cause difficulties for care-givers.
All that is needed to perform the operation is the consent of the parent/guardian and certification from a psychiatrist and gynaecologist that hysterectomy is needed.
"We are challenging these guidelines," says advocate Anand Grover adding that the hysterectomies were performed for the convenience of the institute, to prevent pregnancy in case of sexual abuse and not for the woman's welfare. The government had no authority to conduct a hysterectomy on mentally disabled women and such a move violates the fundamental rights of such women and the provisions of the Mental Health Act.
Advocate Shruti Pandey, a Delhi-based human rights lawyer feels this case was not about abortion per se, it was about whether law recognises and protects the agency of woman. Pic: WFS.
Shruti Pandey, a human rights lawyer from Delhi, admits that this is a case that is "so grey". Says Pandey, "To my mind, this case was not about abortion per se, it was about whether the law of this country recognises and protects the agency of a woman to take decisions for her life and body, especially all its nuances when the woman is a person with mental retardation (MR) or any other disability."
Legally, this case showed - which the HC also noted in detail in its first order - that the Medical Termination Of Pregnancy (MTP) Act does not deal with access to abortion of women with MR, and that it wrongly distinguishes between women with mental retardation and mental illness, leaving the former out totally. Also that the Act does not understand that both these kinds of women are more likely than not to be destitute, in which case guardianship is not that simple.
Clarifies Pandey, "If the SC has said this woman wants to go ahead with the pregnancy, in principle I would support the decision. Every woman has a right to bear children, including women with mental disabilities. But if the court says it is the right of child to be born/not to be killed, and so the pregnancy must go on, that is hugely problematic. In any case, if the SC says no MTP, I would like to see what support mechanism it relies upon, institutionally, and not merely on the assurances and hyperbole of individuals and NGOs. I would also like this decision then to lead to the state's accountability for creating and sustaining comprehensive and reliable support systems for all persons with disabilities, within a rights framework. This is definitely an obligation under Article 12 of the UN Rights of Persons with Disabilities Convention, which India is totally ill-equipped to deliver on, as this case shows."
This case indicates eloquently that the Indian legal framework has to be strengthened a great deal to bring it in line with international legislation. (Women's Feature Service)
Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2009/aug/wom-mtpcase.htm
Kamayani Bali Mahabal is an advocate and women's activist based in Mumbai.
The SC recently ruled that a 19-year-old Chandigarh-based mentally retarded girl must be allowed to carry on her pregnancy that was caused by sexual assault. The verdict throws open more questions than it answers, writes Kamayani Bali Mahabal.
14 August 2009 - Mumbai (WFS) - In India, a disabled girl-child is usually at the receiving end of a lot of contempt and neglect. Women with disabilities have been consistently denied their rights. In a landmark decision, the Supreme Court (SC) of India recently allowed a 19-year-old mentally challenged orphan girl to carry on with a pregnancy resulting from a sexual assault. The Punjab and Haryana High Court ruling had earlier ordered medical termination of pregnancy (MTP).
Giving the facts of the case, Advocate Colin Gonsalves who had argued for abortion in this case, said that the girl, who was kept at Nari Niketan, Chandigarh, a government institution for destitute women, was raped some time in March 2009 on the premises by the security guards. In May 2009, the pregnancy was detected. The media widely reported the rape but no institution or individual came forward in the woman's support.
"The SC judgment has focused more on pro-life arguments and the rights of the child," states Bhargavi Davar, who heads the Bapu Trust in Pune.
In the same month the Director of the Government Medical College and Hospital constituted a three-member board comprising a psychiatrist, a clinical psychologist and a special educator to evaluate the woman's mental status. Their report did not suggest anything out of the ordinary except that "she also cries almost daily". The board found her mental age to be nine years and placed her in the category of mild mental retardation.
A few days later, a four-doctor Multi Disciplinary Medical Board was constituted, which included a psychiatrist. It recommended an MTP. The Punjab and Haryana High Court ultimately went on the basis of these reports. The second one concluded that: "the continuation of pregnancy in this case can be associated with certain complications considering her age, mental status and previous surgery. There are increased chances of abortion... pre-maturity... foetal distress and more chances of operative delivery including anaesthetic complications."
The committees concluded that the woman "has adequate physical capacity to bear and raise the child but that her mental health can be further affected by the stress of bearing and raising her child."
This case thus raised fundamental issues relating to consent and to the support required while assessing consent. Eventually most mentally challenged women will, if properly supported, be able to indicate whether they wish to abort the pregnancy or proceed with it, concludes Gonsalves.
Shampa Sengupta, Director of the Sruti Disability Centre in Kolkata, says that if the woman wants to keep the baby she should be allowed to do so. "We as civil society must take the responsibility of supporting her. How can we forget the UN Rights of Persons with Disabilities Convention?" she asks.
Sengupta, who has worked on disability for the last 10 years, adds, "How can we say her choice is not valid? Because the doctors say so? If you or I do not consider the doctor's word as final, why should this young girl? Also, why is it that no one is talking about the rapists and how Nirmala Niketan came to have male employees?"
According to Bhargavi Davar, whether a mentally challenged woman has the 'capacity' to take care of the child is a question riddled with prejudices and stereotypes. Pic: WFS.
"The SC judgment has focused more on pro-life arguments and the rights of the child," states Bhargavi Davar, who heads the Bapu Trust in Pune, an organisation devoted to challenging the mindset and practices of the Indian mental health establishment. She points out that several women's organisations have responded to this judgment by focusing on women's rights and the right to abortion.
But nowhere in this dialogue between the state and civil society has the issue of reproductive rights and sexuality in the context of psychosocial and mental disability been discussed.
Many state institutions for women living with a mental disabilities, with the co-operation of families, routinely sterilise, abort or give the child away for adoption without the consent of the mother. Many women's organisations and NGOs that provide care have an equally problematic custodial outlook towards such persons. Argues Davar, "In this case, we have not heard the woman's voice anywhere, while we have several third party arbitrations and advocacy. We do not know what the woman wants. Whether the mentally challenged woman has the 'capacity' to take care of the child is another question riddled with prejudices and stereotypes."
In the 1990s at Sirur, Maharashtra, 17 mentally challenged girls below 18 years were peremptorily hysterectomised. The state chose to control the girls' reproductive rights by deploying extreme measures. The professionals involved in that decision neither denied that hysterectomies were done, nor did they perceive them as a violation. They justified them as having been done in the best interests of the girls.
Dr Anant Phadke from Pune who filed a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) on the issue, says that case is still on. In January 2009, the state filed an affidavit stating "Mentally retarded adolescent girls or adult women have no sense of hygiene during menstruation." Shockingly, this is the prime reason given by the government for backing the controversial decision. Justifying its move, the government stated that, unlike stools or urine, menstrual flow is continuous and lasts up to at least 100 hours a month.
It added that caregivers find it difficult to deal with inmates who are uncooperative; and that poor hygiene can lead to infection and laceration on thighs and genitals and that increased flow can cause anaemia. Behavioural problems and psychotic symptoms also cause difficulties for care-givers.
All that is needed to perform the operation is the consent of the parent/guardian and certification from a psychiatrist and gynaecologist that hysterectomy is needed.
"We are challenging these guidelines," says advocate Anand Grover adding that the hysterectomies were performed for the convenience of the institute, to prevent pregnancy in case of sexual abuse and not for the woman's welfare. The government had no authority to conduct a hysterectomy on mentally disabled women and such a move violates the fundamental rights of such women and the provisions of the Mental Health Act.
Advocate Shruti Pandey, a Delhi-based human rights lawyer feels this case was not about abortion per se, it was about whether law recognises and protects the agency of woman. Pic: WFS.
Shruti Pandey, a human rights lawyer from Delhi, admits that this is a case that is "so grey". Says Pandey, "To my mind, this case was not about abortion per se, it was about whether the law of this country recognises and protects the agency of a woman to take decisions for her life and body, especially all its nuances when the woman is a person with mental retardation (MR) or any other disability."
Legally, this case showed - which the HC also noted in detail in its first order - that the Medical Termination Of Pregnancy (MTP) Act does not deal with access to abortion of women with MR, and that it wrongly distinguishes between women with mental retardation and mental illness, leaving the former out totally. Also that the Act does not understand that both these kinds of women are more likely than not to be destitute, in which case guardianship is not that simple.
Clarifies Pandey, "If the SC has said this woman wants to go ahead with the pregnancy, in principle I would support the decision. Every woman has a right to bear children, including women with mental disabilities. But if the court says it is the right of child to be born/not to be killed, and so the pregnancy must go on, that is hugely problematic. In any case, if the SC says no MTP, I would like to see what support mechanism it relies upon, institutionally, and not merely on the assurances and hyperbole of individuals and NGOs. I would also like this decision then to lead to the state's accountability for creating and sustaining comprehensive and reliable support systems for all persons with disabilities, within a rights framework. This is definitely an obligation under Article 12 of the UN Rights of Persons with Disabilities Convention, which India is totally ill-equipped to deliver on, as this case shows."
This case indicates eloquently that the Indian legal framework has to be strengthened a great deal to bring it in line with international legislation. (Women's Feature Service)
Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2009/aug/wom-mtpcase.htm
Kamayani Bali Mahabal is an advocate and women's activist based in Mumbai.
Thursday, November 12, 2009
Environment Ministry for indigenous research on glaciers
After depending all these years on the West for data on glaciers in the country, the Environment Ministry has initiated an ambitious indigenous scientific research to determine and monitor their health.
“So far we have been depending on research conducted by the West on what is happening to our glaciers and environment. There is an urgent need to have our own studies by our scientists, which has so far been lacking,” Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh said recently.
He said only about 10 glaciers have been studied at all and long-term temperature data is available only in Srinagar.
“But we need them in Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Sikkim, Arunanchal Pradesh and other Himalayan States. We have sanctioned Rs 3 crore for setting up 15 new weather stations with the help of the Almora-based GB Pant Institute of Himalayan Environment and Development,” Mr. Ramesh said.
Each station will cost Rs 20 lakh.
The ministry is also working with the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) for satellite mapping of various glaciers on which Rs 8 crore will be spent in three years.
Mr. Ramesh said that around Rs 4 crore will be spent on TERI Institute for Black Carbon study and its impact on glaciers.
“We have got a concrete proposal from the TERI for study on soot (also known as black carbon) to be conducted by eminent scientists V. Ramanathan and Syed Hasnain, who are strong proponents of carbon soot impact on glaciers,” Mr. Ramesh said.
According to a study by Mr. Ramanathan, black carbon has accelerated the melting of glaciers, which feed the rivers of more than half the world.
The soot both absorbs heat while in the atmosphere and decreases the Earth’s reflectivity when it settles on otherwise white glaciers, he claims.
However, Mr. Ramesh said that black carbon reduction efforts should not be linked to the ongoing U.N. climate negotiations.
He also stressed on appointing more talented and capable scientists for the purpose.
Reference : Hindu
“So far we have been depending on research conducted by the West on what is happening to our glaciers and environment. There is an urgent need to have our own studies by our scientists, which has so far been lacking,” Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh said recently.
He said only about 10 glaciers have been studied at all and long-term temperature data is available only in Srinagar.
“But we need them in Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Sikkim, Arunanchal Pradesh and other Himalayan States. We have sanctioned Rs 3 crore for setting up 15 new weather stations with the help of the Almora-based GB Pant Institute of Himalayan Environment and Development,” Mr. Ramesh said.
Each station will cost Rs 20 lakh.
The ministry is also working with the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) for satellite mapping of various glaciers on which Rs 8 crore will be spent in three years.
Mr. Ramesh said that around Rs 4 crore will be spent on TERI Institute for Black Carbon study and its impact on glaciers.
“We have got a concrete proposal from the TERI for study on soot (also known as black carbon) to be conducted by eminent scientists V. Ramanathan and Syed Hasnain, who are strong proponents of carbon soot impact on glaciers,” Mr. Ramesh said.
According to a study by Mr. Ramanathan, black carbon has accelerated the melting of glaciers, which feed the rivers of more than half the world.
The soot both absorbs heat while in the atmosphere and decreases the Earth’s reflectivity when it settles on otherwise white glaciers, he claims.
However, Mr. Ramesh said that black carbon reduction efforts should not be linked to the ongoing U.N. climate negotiations.
He also stressed on appointing more talented and capable scientists for the purpose.
Reference : Hindu
Saturday, November 7, 2009
E waste
New Delhi : Sporting a new Mobile phone may be fashioned in these well connected times, but the discarded old handset could poison the environment as a whopping 8000 Tonnes of Cellphone waste is eliminated to burden the earth by 2012. As per a white paper by Global Consultancy Deloitee, There is a growing need to better manage the rising cell phone waste as it is posing a threat to Environment.
Replacament Sales predict that more cellphones would be retired every year with rapid changes in Technology and Product design discouraging mobile repairs and increasing demand for new mobiles abd disposal of old ones
" With the absence of proper recycle and reuse program about 8000 tonnes of toxic cell phone components are estimated to be dumped into land fills by 2012"
The resulting contanimation will have far reaching consequences for the environment and all living biegns". Said Parag Saigaonkar, Regional MD, Deloitte Consulting India.
Source : HT, Press Trust Of India
Replacament Sales predict that more cellphones would be retired every year with rapid changes in Technology and Product design discouraging mobile repairs and increasing demand for new mobiles abd disposal of old ones
" With the absence of proper recycle and reuse program about 8000 tonnes of toxic cell phone components are estimated to be dumped into land fills by 2012"
The resulting contanimation will have far reaching consequences for the environment and all living biegns". Said Parag Saigaonkar, Regional MD, Deloitte Consulting India.
Source : HT, Press Trust Of India
हाशिए को हुकूमत नहीं - सुधीर
झारखंड एकमात्र प्रदेश है जहां 31 सालों से पंचायत चुनाव नहीं हुए हैं। 2001 में ही बने दो अन्य राज्यों छत्तीसगढ़ और उत्तराखंड में अब तक तीन बार पंचायती राज निकायों का गठन हो चुका है और गांव स्तर पर सशक्तीकरण की प्रक्रिया जोर पकड़ी हुई है। ग्रामीण सहभागिता पर आधारित विकास के कई मॉडल भी इन राज्यों में देखने को मिल जायेंगे। इन राज्यों में सत्ता के विकेन्द्रीकरण से स्थानीय संसाधनों के दोहन में पारदर्शिता, सहभागिता और परिसंपत्तियों के बंटवारे में एक हद तक समता और समानता के कई उदाहरण देखे जा सकते हैं।
पंचायती राज और स्थानीय निकायों के गठन में झारखंड में राजनैतिक चेतना और राजनीतिक इच्छाशक्ति दोनों का अभाव रहा है। राज्य की सत्ता में काबिज और विपक्ष में भी बैठने वाले ज्यादातर जनप्रतिनिधियों की धारणा है कि विकेन्द्रीकरण से भ्रष्टाचार बढ़ेगा। यह सामान्य मान्यता है कि कोई भी व्यक्ति या निकाय अपने बाद सत्ता के विकेन्द्रीकरण को अपनाना नहीं चाहता है। विकेन्द्रीकरण से अंततः केन्द्रीकृत शक्तियों पर जन दबाव बढ़ता है और इसी वजह से पंचायती राज चुनाव राजनीतिक दलों के एजेण्डे में रहा ही नहीं।
राजनीतिक दलों के पास बहाना है कि चूंकि मामला सुप्रीम कोर्ट में लंबित है इसलिए चुनाव नहीं कराये जा सकते हैं। जबकि वस्तुस्थिति यह है कि न तो झारखंड हाईकोर्ट और न ही सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने राज्य में पंचायती राज चुनाव कराने पर रोक लगायी है। कोर्ट की चिंता झारखंड पंचायती राज एक्ट में विद्यमान विसंगतियों को लेकर रही और कोर्ट की मान्यता है कि सरकार चाहे तो विसंगतियां दूर कर चुनाव करा ले। झारखंड उच्च न्यायालय ने 2006 अगस्त के आदेश में कहा कि सामान्य क्षेत्र में त्रिस्तरीय पंचायती राज में महिलाओं के लिए 33 फीसदी आरक्षण की व्यवस्था नहीं है और यह गैर संवैधानिक है। कोर्ट अनुसूचित क्षेत्र में शत-प्रतिशत आरक्षण को भी गैर कानूनी मानता है। झारखंड में 73वें संवैधानिक संशोधन और 1996 के पेसा एक्ट के आलोक में क्रमशः सामान्य और अनुसूचित क्षेत्रों के लिए झारखंड पंचायत राज एक्ट 2001 बनाये गये हैं।
राज्य सरकार या राजनैतिक दलों की प्राथमिकता में यदि पंचायती राज होता तो कम से कम सामान्य क्षेत्र में तो महिलाओं के लिए आरक्षण की व्यवस्था कर चुनाव करवाये ही जा सकते थे। अनुसूचित क्षेत्र में कानून बनाने या संशोधन करने में राज्य सरकार की भूमिका सीमित है। चूंकि पेसा केंद्रीय कानून है और पेसा के तहत उपलब्ध आरक्षण की व्यवस्था को खारिज करने का या इसमें संशोधन करने का अधिकार राज्य सरकार को नहीं है। राज्य में लगभग 4200 पंचायत हैं। इसमें से 2000 पंचायत सामान्य क्षेत्र में और बाकी अनुसूचित क्षेत्र में हैं।
यदि राज्य में पंचायत चुनाव हो जाते तो ग्रामीण अभिशासन में एक क्रांतिकारी बदलाव की शुरुआत होती। 4200 पंचायतों का मतलब लगभग 46 हजार जन प्रतिनिधियों का सामाजिक-आर्थिक-राजनैतिक विकास में सीधा हस्तक्षेप। इसका सकारात्मक असर राज्य की राजनीति पर पड़ेगा। जनता और आम लोगों के सवालों से कट कर की जाने वाली राजनीति के लिए जगह कम होगी। झारखंड पंचायती राज स्वशासन समन्वय समिति ने 2005 में एक अध्ययन में पाया था कि राज्य में पंचायत चुनाव नहीं होने से लगभग 2500 करोड़ रुपए केन्द्र से राज्य को प्राप्त नहीं हो पाये थे। यह आंकड़ा अभी 8000 करोड़ रुपये के आसपास पहुंच गया है। चूंकि पंचायती राज व्यवस्था होने के बाद ग्रामीण विकास के विभिन्न घटकों की कुल बजट का लगभग 60 फीसदी सीधे पंचायतों द्वारा ही खर्च किये जाने का प्रावधान है। 2008-09 वित्तीय वर्ष मेें राज्य सरकार ने 5000 करोड़ रुपए लैप्स किये। राशियों के लैप्स होने से अंततः गरीब जनता का हक ही मारा गया।
पंचायत चुनाव होने से ब्यूरोक्रेसी की मकड़जाल भी थोड़ी कम होती क्योंकि ज्यादातर कार्यक्रमों में योजना बनाने से लेकर लागू करने और अनुश्रवण का अधिकार ग्रामसभाओं और पंचायतों को ही होता। अभी राज्य में लगभग आधे शहरी निकायों का गठन हो गया है। क्या बदलाव आया है? रांची नगर निगम में 50 हजार से ज्यादा की योजनाओं के लिए निगम के मुख्य कार्यकारी पदाधिकारी को पार्षदों की सहमति के लिए बाट जोहना पड़ता है। यह एक तरह का संतुलन है जो ब्यूरोक्रेसी को जनता के प्रति उत्तरदायी बनाने को बाध्य करता है। चुने हुए प्रतिनिधियों को तो हर पांच साल में जनता के बीच जाना ही है। ज्यादातर मामले में प्रनिनिधि जनता के प्रति स्वतः वफादारी निभाते ही हैं।
पंचायती राज और स्थानीय निकायों के गठन में झारखंड में राजनैतिक चेतना और राजनीतिक इच्छाशक्ति दोनों का अभाव रहा है। राज्य की सत्ता में काबिज और विपक्ष में भी बैठने वाले ज्यादातर जनप्रतिनिधियों की धारणा है कि विकेन्द्रीकरण से भ्रष्टाचार बढ़ेगा। यह सामान्य मान्यता है कि कोई भी व्यक्ति या निकाय अपने बाद सत्ता के विकेन्द्रीकरण को अपनाना नहीं चाहता है। विकेन्द्रीकरण से अंततः केन्द्रीकृत शक्तियों पर जन दबाव बढ़ता है और इसी वजह से पंचायती राज चुनाव राजनीतिक दलों के एजेण्डे में रहा ही नहीं।
राजनीतिक दलों के पास बहाना है कि चूंकि मामला सुप्रीम कोर्ट में लंबित है इसलिए चुनाव नहीं कराये जा सकते हैं। जबकि वस्तुस्थिति यह है कि न तो झारखंड हाईकोर्ट और न ही सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने राज्य में पंचायती राज चुनाव कराने पर रोक लगायी है। कोर्ट की चिंता झारखंड पंचायती राज एक्ट में विद्यमान विसंगतियों को लेकर रही और कोर्ट की मान्यता है कि सरकार चाहे तो विसंगतियां दूर कर चुनाव करा ले। झारखंड उच्च न्यायालय ने 2006 अगस्त के आदेश में कहा कि सामान्य क्षेत्र में त्रिस्तरीय पंचायती राज में महिलाओं के लिए 33 फीसदी आरक्षण की व्यवस्था नहीं है और यह गैर संवैधानिक है। कोर्ट अनुसूचित क्षेत्र में शत-प्रतिशत आरक्षण को भी गैर कानूनी मानता है। झारखंड में 73वें संवैधानिक संशोधन और 1996 के पेसा एक्ट के आलोक में क्रमशः सामान्य और अनुसूचित क्षेत्रों के लिए झारखंड पंचायत राज एक्ट 2001 बनाये गये हैं।
राज्य सरकार या राजनैतिक दलों की प्राथमिकता में यदि पंचायती राज होता तो कम से कम सामान्य क्षेत्र में तो महिलाओं के लिए आरक्षण की व्यवस्था कर चुनाव करवाये ही जा सकते थे। अनुसूचित क्षेत्र में कानून बनाने या संशोधन करने में राज्य सरकार की भूमिका सीमित है। चूंकि पेसा केंद्रीय कानून है और पेसा के तहत उपलब्ध आरक्षण की व्यवस्था को खारिज करने का या इसमें संशोधन करने का अधिकार राज्य सरकार को नहीं है। राज्य में लगभग 4200 पंचायत हैं। इसमें से 2000 पंचायत सामान्य क्षेत्र में और बाकी अनुसूचित क्षेत्र में हैं।
यदि राज्य में पंचायत चुनाव हो जाते तो ग्रामीण अभिशासन में एक क्रांतिकारी बदलाव की शुरुआत होती। 4200 पंचायतों का मतलब लगभग 46 हजार जन प्रतिनिधियों का सामाजिक-आर्थिक-राजनैतिक विकास में सीधा हस्तक्षेप। इसका सकारात्मक असर राज्य की राजनीति पर पड़ेगा। जनता और आम लोगों के सवालों से कट कर की जाने वाली राजनीति के लिए जगह कम होगी। झारखंड पंचायती राज स्वशासन समन्वय समिति ने 2005 में एक अध्ययन में पाया था कि राज्य में पंचायत चुनाव नहीं होने से लगभग 2500 करोड़ रुपए केन्द्र से राज्य को प्राप्त नहीं हो पाये थे। यह आंकड़ा अभी 8000 करोड़ रुपये के आसपास पहुंच गया है। चूंकि पंचायती राज व्यवस्था होने के बाद ग्रामीण विकास के विभिन्न घटकों की कुल बजट का लगभग 60 फीसदी सीधे पंचायतों द्वारा ही खर्च किये जाने का प्रावधान है। 2008-09 वित्तीय वर्ष मेें राज्य सरकार ने 5000 करोड़ रुपए लैप्स किये। राशियों के लैप्स होने से अंततः गरीब जनता का हक ही मारा गया।
पंचायत चुनाव होने से ब्यूरोक्रेसी की मकड़जाल भी थोड़ी कम होती क्योंकि ज्यादातर कार्यक्रमों में योजना बनाने से लेकर लागू करने और अनुश्रवण का अधिकार ग्रामसभाओं और पंचायतों को ही होता। अभी राज्य में लगभग आधे शहरी निकायों का गठन हो गया है। क्या बदलाव आया है? रांची नगर निगम में 50 हजार से ज्यादा की योजनाओं के लिए निगम के मुख्य कार्यकारी पदाधिकारी को पार्षदों की सहमति के लिए बाट जोहना पड़ता है। यह एक तरह का संतुलन है जो ब्यूरोक्रेसी को जनता के प्रति उत्तरदायी बनाने को बाध्य करता है। चुने हुए प्रतिनिधियों को तो हर पांच साल में जनता के बीच जाना ही है। ज्यादातर मामले में प्रनिनिधि जनता के प्रति स्वतः वफादारी निभाते ही हैं।
स्वास्थ्य सेवाओं की सामुदायिक निगरानी - युगेष्वर राम
राष्ट्रीय ग्रामीण स्बास्थ्य मिशन के तहत स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं वंचितों तक पहुंचाने और स्वास्थ्य की स्थितियों में गुणात्मक सुधार के लिए सामुदायिक निगरानी की व्यवस्था की गयी है. समुदाय को जागरूक करने और इस दिषा में पहल करने में स्वयंसेवी संस्थान की भी सराहनीय भूमिका रही है. यह कार्यक्रम प्रारंभिक चरण में देष के नौ राज्यों में संचालित है, जिसमें झारखण्ड भी शामिल है. इसके तहत झारखण्ड के तीन जिलों पलामू, पष्चिम सिंहभूम और हजारीबाग के नौ प्रखण्डों के कुल 135 गांवों में यह सी.बी.एम. कार्यक्रम के नाम से संचालित है.
पलामू जिले के लेस्लीगंज, चैनपुर एवं पाटन प्रखण्ड के 45 गांवों में स्वयंसेवी संस्थान आईडीएफ इस कार्यक्रम का संचालन कर रहे हैं. इस कार्यक्रम के सफल संचालन हेतु समुदाय आधारित निगरानी समिति बनाये गये हैं. इस निगरानी समिति में प्रत्येक गांव से तीन महिलाओं और तीन पुरुषों को जोड़ा गया है. पलामू जिले के तीन प्रखण्डों के पंद्रह गांवों में 90 सीबीएम टीम का गठन किया गया है.
समुदाय आधारित निगरानी समिति का तात्पर्य है कि जो भी योजनाएं चल रही हैं, उसके विषय में जानना, समझना और उसके क्रियान्वयन में अपनी भूमिका निभाना. साथ ही अपने क्षेत्र की जरूरतों के अनुरूप योजना बनाना, ताकि स्थानीय निवासी उन योजनाओं से लाभान्वित हो सकें. खासकर स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं सभी ग्रामीणों को मुहैया हो सके, स्वास्थ्य की वर्तमान स्थितियों में सुधार हो. इसके लिए ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के सदस्यों के साथ मिलकर इस अभियान को गति दी जा रही है, किन्तु इस कार्य में सबसे बड़ी बाधा ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का सही रूप में न होना है. ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का गठन तब किया गया, जब सहिया चुनाव की बारी आयी.
चैनपुर प्रखण्ड के देवनीस तिर्की बताते हैं कि यदि सहिया का चुनाव नहीं होता तो ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति भी अस्तित्व में नहीं आता. वे बताते हैं कि दिसम्बर 2007 में सहिया का चुनाव कराने की बात हुई और सहिया का चुनाव ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के सदस्यों को करना था, तब ग्रामसभा की बैठक बुलाई गयी. उसी समय सभी गांवों में ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का गठन हुआ और तुरंत सहिया का चुनाव भी किया गया. इसके बाद ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के सदस्य यह भूल गये कि यह समिति आखिर बनी क्यों है?
अगर इस पर गौर करें तो इसके पीछे जो सबसे बड़ा कारण है वह है, झारखण्ड में पंचायत चुनाव का न होना. जब तक पंचायत चुनाव संपन्न नहीं होता है तब तक झारखण्ड में चल रही किसी भी योजना के सफलतापूर्वक क्रियान्वयन में संदेह है. गौर करें तो गांव के विकास और ग्रामीणों को आवष्यक सुविधाएं उपलब्ध कराने में पंचायत के तहत आठ समितियों का महत्वपूर्ण योगदान है, किन्तु पंचायत चुनाव के अभाव में अन्य योजनाओं के साथ ही नरेगा जैसे रोजगारोन्मुखी कार्यक्रम और ग्रामीणों को बेहतर स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं उपलब्ध कराने वाले एन.आर.एच.एम. कार्यक्रम लड़खड़ा रहे हैं. पंचायत चुनाव होने के पष्चात ही स्वास्थ्य की निगरानी में भूमिका अदा करने वाली समिति ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का महत्व देखने को मिल सकता है.
फिर भी सामुदायिक निगरानी समिति ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति और ग्रामीणों के साथ मिलकर स्वास्थ्य की वर्तमान स्थितियों का अवलोकन कर रही है, जिसके लिए प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र और उप स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र स्तर पर सर्वे रिपोर्ट तैयार की गयी है. इस रिपोर्ट के माध्यम से स्वास्थ्य की वर्तमान सचाई जब सामने आया, तो स्वास्थ्यकर्मियों की बीच कौतूहल है. लेकिन ये सब कुछ इतना आसान भी नहीं था. निगरानी दल गठित करते समय कई कठिनाइयों का सामना करना पड़ा. आई.डी.एफ. के प्रखण्ड समन्वयक सुमित कुमार बताते हैं कि जब सीबीएम टीम का गठन करना था, उस समय ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के जो सदस्य थे उन्हें जानकारी नहीं थी कि ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का कार्य क्या है, जिसके कारण सी.बी.एम. टीम के गठन में काफी परेषानी हुई. ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के सदस्यों का कहना था कि पहले ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति और सहिया का चुनाव किया गया है उसे कार्यरूप दें, तभी किसी तरह का विचार वे करेंग. लेकिन जब उन्हें समझाया गया कि हम चुनाव के पीछे न जायें, बल्कि जो चुनाव हो चुके हैं, वह सही रूप से कैसे काम करें उस पर ज्यादा सोचें.
अंतत: लोग सहमत हुए और निगरानी दल का चुनाव हुआ, जिसमें प्रत्येक गांव से तीन महिलाओं और तीन पुरुषों का चयन किया गया. इस प्रक्रिया के दौरान समुदाय आधारित निगरानी दल के द्वारा सर्वे प्रपत्र तैयार कर ग्राम, उप स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र और प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र स्तर पर निगरानी प्रक्रिया पूरी की गयी. ग्राम स्तर पर निगरानी दल की यह निगरानी प्रक्रिया पांच तरह से की गयी जिसमें दलित एवं सामान्य महिलाओं के साथ बैठक कर स्वास्थ्य के विषय में जानकारी ली गयी और पिछले छ: माह में प्रसूति गृह पहुंची महिलाओं का साक्षात्कार भी लिया गया. इस साक्षात्कार के दौरान यह जानने का प्रयास किया गया कि उनको एन.एन.एम., सहिया और आंगनबाड़ी केन्द्र से किस तरह के लाभ मिले हैं. साथ ही आम बैठकर कर पूरे समुदाय से स्वास्थ्य योजनाओं एवं वर्तमान स्वास्थ्य व्यवस्था पर चर्चा की गयी. स्वास्थ्य उप केन्द्र स्तर पर भी सर्वे-प्रपत्र के आधार पर ए.एन.एम. से साक्षात्कार लिया गया और उप स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र पर चिकित्सा सामान की उपलब्धता की जानकारी ली गयी. इसके बाद प्रखण्ड स्तर पर चिकित्सा पदाधिकारी एवं स्वास्थ्य कार्र्यकत्ताओं से भी जानकारी ली गयी. यहां तक कि निगरानी दल द्वारा प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र के प्रयोगषाला, एम्बुलेंस और अस्पताल प्रबंधन के विषय में विस्तृत सर्वे किया गया. इस प्रक्रिया के दौरान स्वास्थ्य सेवाओं की अनुपलब्धता और स्वास्थ्यकर्मियों की अनुपस्थिति के साथ ही संस्थागत प्रसव को बढ़ावा देने वाली योजना 'जननी सुरक्षा योजना' में भी काफी अनियमितता देखने को मिली. सीबीएम टीम के द्वारा सर्वे प्रक्रिया पूरी करने और लोक संवाद के बाद जहां ग्रामीणों में स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं पाने के लिए जागरूकता बढ़ी हैं, वहीं स्वास्थ्यकर्मियों के रवैये में बदलाव कुछ हद तक देखने को मिल रहा है. स्वास्थ्य की स्थिति में सुधार के लिए स्वास्थ्य व्यवस्था में सुधार और प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र और उप स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र के भवन की बदतर स्थिति में सुधार के साथ ही आवष्यक चिकित्सा सुविधा उपलब्ध कराये जाने की जरूरत है. अगर इसी तरह सामुदायिक निगरानी की प्रक्रिया जारी रही, तो नि:संदेह राष्ट्रीय ग्रामीण स्वास्थ्य मिषन वंचितों को स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं उपलब्ध कराने में सफल हो पायेगा.
पलामू जिले के लेस्लीगंज, चैनपुर एवं पाटन प्रखण्ड के 45 गांवों में स्वयंसेवी संस्थान आईडीएफ इस कार्यक्रम का संचालन कर रहे हैं. इस कार्यक्रम के सफल संचालन हेतु समुदाय आधारित निगरानी समिति बनाये गये हैं. इस निगरानी समिति में प्रत्येक गांव से तीन महिलाओं और तीन पुरुषों को जोड़ा गया है. पलामू जिले के तीन प्रखण्डों के पंद्रह गांवों में 90 सीबीएम टीम का गठन किया गया है.
समुदाय आधारित निगरानी समिति का तात्पर्य है कि जो भी योजनाएं चल रही हैं, उसके विषय में जानना, समझना और उसके क्रियान्वयन में अपनी भूमिका निभाना. साथ ही अपने क्षेत्र की जरूरतों के अनुरूप योजना बनाना, ताकि स्थानीय निवासी उन योजनाओं से लाभान्वित हो सकें. खासकर स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं सभी ग्रामीणों को मुहैया हो सके, स्वास्थ्य की वर्तमान स्थितियों में सुधार हो. इसके लिए ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के सदस्यों के साथ मिलकर इस अभियान को गति दी जा रही है, किन्तु इस कार्य में सबसे बड़ी बाधा ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का सही रूप में न होना है. ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का गठन तब किया गया, जब सहिया चुनाव की बारी आयी.
चैनपुर प्रखण्ड के देवनीस तिर्की बताते हैं कि यदि सहिया का चुनाव नहीं होता तो ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति भी अस्तित्व में नहीं आता. वे बताते हैं कि दिसम्बर 2007 में सहिया का चुनाव कराने की बात हुई और सहिया का चुनाव ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के सदस्यों को करना था, तब ग्रामसभा की बैठक बुलाई गयी. उसी समय सभी गांवों में ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का गठन हुआ और तुरंत सहिया का चुनाव भी किया गया. इसके बाद ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के सदस्य यह भूल गये कि यह समिति आखिर बनी क्यों है?
अगर इस पर गौर करें तो इसके पीछे जो सबसे बड़ा कारण है वह है, झारखण्ड में पंचायत चुनाव का न होना. जब तक पंचायत चुनाव संपन्न नहीं होता है तब तक झारखण्ड में चल रही किसी भी योजना के सफलतापूर्वक क्रियान्वयन में संदेह है. गौर करें तो गांव के विकास और ग्रामीणों को आवष्यक सुविधाएं उपलब्ध कराने में पंचायत के तहत आठ समितियों का महत्वपूर्ण योगदान है, किन्तु पंचायत चुनाव के अभाव में अन्य योजनाओं के साथ ही नरेगा जैसे रोजगारोन्मुखी कार्यक्रम और ग्रामीणों को बेहतर स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं उपलब्ध कराने वाले एन.आर.एच.एम. कार्यक्रम लड़खड़ा रहे हैं. पंचायत चुनाव होने के पष्चात ही स्वास्थ्य की निगरानी में भूमिका अदा करने वाली समिति ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का महत्व देखने को मिल सकता है.
फिर भी सामुदायिक निगरानी समिति ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति और ग्रामीणों के साथ मिलकर स्वास्थ्य की वर्तमान स्थितियों का अवलोकन कर रही है, जिसके लिए प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र और उप स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र स्तर पर सर्वे रिपोर्ट तैयार की गयी है. इस रिपोर्ट के माध्यम से स्वास्थ्य की वर्तमान सचाई जब सामने आया, तो स्वास्थ्यकर्मियों की बीच कौतूहल है. लेकिन ये सब कुछ इतना आसान भी नहीं था. निगरानी दल गठित करते समय कई कठिनाइयों का सामना करना पड़ा. आई.डी.एफ. के प्रखण्ड समन्वयक सुमित कुमार बताते हैं कि जब सीबीएम टीम का गठन करना था, उस समय ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के जो सदस्य थे उन्हें जानकारी नहीं थी कि ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का कार्य क्या है, जिसके कारण सी.बी.एम. टीम के गठन में काफी परेषानी हुई. ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के सदस्यों का कहना था कि पहले ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति और सहिया का चुनाव किया गया है उसे कार्यरूप दें, तभी किसी तरह का विचार वे करेंग. लेकिन जब उन्हें समझाया गया कि हम चुनाव के पीछे न जायें, बल्कि जो चुनाव हो चुके हैं, वह सही रूप से कैसे काम करें उस पर ज्यादा सोचें.
अंतत: लोग सहमत हुए और निगरानी दल का चुनाव हुआ, जिसमें प्रत्येक गांव से तीन महिलाओं और तीन पुरुषों का चयन किया गया. इस प्रक्रिया के दौरान समुदाय आधारित निगरानी दल के द्वारा सर्वे प्रपत्र तैयार कर ग्राम, उप स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र और प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र स्तर पर निगरानी प्रक्रिया पूरी की गयी. ग्राम स्तर पर निगरानी दल की यह निगरानी प्रक्रिया पांच तरह से की गयी जिसमें दलित एवं सामान्य महिलाओं के साथ बैठक कर स्वास्थ्य के विषय में जानकारी ली गयी और पिछले छ: माह में प्रसूति गृह पहुंची महिलाओं का साक्षात्कार भी लिया गया. इस साक्षात्कार के दौरान यह जानने का प्रयास किया गया कि उनको एन.एन.एम., सहिया और आंगनबाड़ी केन्द्र से किस तरह के लाभ मिले हैं. साथ ही आम बैठकर कर पूरे समुदाय से स्वास्थ्य योजनाओं एवं वर्तमान स्वास्थ्य व्यवस्था पर चर्चा की गयी. स्वास्थ्य उप केन्द्र स्तर पर भी सर्वे-प्रपत्र के आधार पर ए.एन.एम. से साक्षात्कार लिया गया और उप स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र पर चिकित्सा सामान की उपलब्धता की जानकारी ली गयी. इसके बाद प्रखण्ड स्तर पर चिकित्सा पदाधिकारी एवं स्वास्थ्य कार्र्यकत्ताओं से भी जानकारी ली गयी. यहां तक कि निगरानी दल द्वारा प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र के प्रयोगषाला, एम्बुलेंस और अस्पताल प्रबंधन के विषय में विस्तृत सर्वे किया गया. इस प्रक्रिया के दौरान स्वास्थ्य सेवाओं की अनुपलब्धता और स्वास्थ्यकर्मियों की अनुपस्थिति के साथ ही संस्थागत प्रसव को बढ़ावा देने वाली योजना 'जननी सुरक्षा योजना' में भी काफी अनियमितता देखने को मिली. सीबीएम टीम के द्वारा सर्वे प्रक्रिया पूरी करने और लोक संवाद के बाद जहां ग्रामीणों में स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं पाने के लिए जागरूकता बढ़ी हैं, वहीं स्वास्थ्यकर्मियों के रवैये में बदलाव कुछ हद तक देखने को मिल रहा है. स्वास्थ्य की स्थिति में सुधार के लिए स्वास्थ्य व्यवस्था में सुधार और प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र और उप स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र के भवन की बदतर स्थिति में सुधार के साथ ही आवष्यक चिकित्सा सुविधा उपलब्ध कराये जाने की जरूरत है. अगर इसी तरह सामुदायिक निगरानी की प्रक्रिया जारी रही, तो नि:संदेह राष्ट्रीय ग्रामीण स्वास्थ्य मिषन वंचितों को स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं उपलब्ध कराने में सफल हो पायेगा.
Thursday, November 5, 2009
विधानसभा चुनाव 2005 - कांग्रेस को मिली एक करोड़ में एक सीट - सुधीर पाल
2005 के विधानसभा चुनाव में मात्र 12 लाख 498 वोट जुटाने और 9 सीटें हासिल करने के लिए कांग्रेस पार्टी को ढ़ाई करोड़ से ज्यादा रुपए खर्च करने पड़े। यह खर्च पार्टी के प्रदेश कार्यालय द्वारा किये गये। इसमें 41 सीटों पर खड़े प्रत्याशियों के खर्च शामिल नहीं हैं। कांग्रेस पार्टी ने 41 प्रत्याशियों को चुनाव लड़ने के लिए एक करोड़ 87 लाख रुपए दिये थे। 41 प्रत्याशियों के खर्च की अधिकतम वैधानिक सीमा 15 लाख को ही जोड़ दी जाए तो यह राशि लगभग 9 करोड़ के आसपास आती है। यानी कांग्रेस को एक सीट लाने के लिए लगभग एक करोड रुपये खर्च करने पड़े। 2005 चुनाव में कांग्रेस को कुल मतों का 12.05 फीसदी हिस्सा मिला और केवल 41 सीटों की बात करें तो मतों का प्रतिशत लगभग 22.74 रहा। भाजपा, झामुमो के बाद कांग्रेस तीसरे नंबर पर रही।
कांग्रेस पार्टी के खर्च के ब्यौरे के मुताबिक पार्टी नेताओं द्वारा चुनाव प्रचार के लिए हेलीकाप्टर तो इस्तेमाल किये गये लेकिन झारखंड के हिस्से में कितना खर्च आया, यह ब्यौरा उपलब्ध नहीं है। बिहार, झारखंड और हरियाणा विधानसभा चुनाव के लिए कांग्रेस ने पवन हंस हेलीकाप्टर और ए.सी. एयरवेज, दिल्ली को क्रमश: एक करोड़ 87 लाख 63 हजार तथा 81 लाख 861 रुपए का भुगतान किया है।
चुनावी चंदे के मामले में कांग्रेस का प्रदर्शन औसत रहा। उपलब्ध ब्यौरे के मुताबिक 2005 विधानसभा चुनाव की अधिसूचना जारी होने और चुनाव खत्म होने तक तक कांग्रेस प्रदेश कार्यालय को मात्र 60 लाख 52 हजार 946 रुपए ही चंदे मिले। चंदा नकद इकट्ठा किये गये और 20 हजार से ज्यादा चंदा देने वालों की संख्या शून्य रही। जन प्रतिनिधित्व कानून के मुताबिक राजनीतिक दलों को 20 हजार से ज्यादा चंदा देने वालों की सूचना चुनाव आयोग तथा आयकर विभाग को उपलब्ध करानी पड़ती है। चेक या डिमांड ड्राफ्ट से चंदा देने या लेने की जहमत नहीं उठायी गयी। इस चंदे में पार्टी प्रत्याशियों द्वारा उगाहे गये चंदे शामिल नहीं हैं।
हिसाब-किताब में कांग्रेस ने नकद-नारायण का ही इस्तेमाल किया। सारे खर्चे कैश में किये गये, न चेक का झंझट और न ही ड्राफ्ट के पचडे। पर्चे, पोस्टर, अखबारों में विज्ञापन, होर्डिंग, कटआउट, बैनर, फ्लैक्स सभी खर्चें का भुगतान विभिन्न एजेंसियों को नकद ही किया गया। प्रचार में कांग्र्रेस ने मात्र 11 लाख 97 हजार 841 रुपए ही खर्च किये। चुनाव प्रचार के दौरान पार्टी नेताओं और कार्यकर्ताओं के खाने-पीने, घूमने-फिरने और मौज-मस्ती का पूरा ख्याल रखा गया। इस मद में पार्टी की ओर से लगभग 22 लाख रुपए खर्च किये गये। हवाई यात्रा से परहेज किया गया और इस मद में मात्र 9218 रुपए खर्च हुए। पार्टी या प्रत्याशियों के शुभचिंतकों को स्वतंत्रता दी गयी थी कि वे चाहें तो हवाई यात्रा कर सकते हैं। चूंकि कांग्रेस पार्टी या किसी राजनीतिक दल के वश में नहीं है कि वे 'अपने चाहने वालों' को चुनाव में खर्च करने से रोके।
पार्टी ने चुनाव बजट का लगभग 15 फीसदी जनसभाओं और रैलियों पर खर्च किया। दोनों कार्यक्रमों के लिए पार्टी ने लगभग 27 लाख रुपए लुटाये। कुल मिलाकर लगभग एक करोड़ में एक सीट, सौदा महंगा है क्या?
(लेखक नेशनल इलेक्शन वॉच के राज्य समन्वयक हैं। )
कांग्रेस पार्टी के खर्च के ब्यौरे के मुताबिक पार्टी नेताओं द्वारा चुनाव प्रचार के लिए हेलीकाप्टर तो इस्तेमाल किये गये लेकिन झारखंड के हिस्से में कितना खर्च आया, यह ब्यौरा उपलब्ध नहीं है। बिहार, झारखंड और हरियाणा विधानसभा चुनाव के लिए कांग्रेस ने पवन हंस हेलीकाप्टर और ए.सी. एयरवेज, दिल्ली को क्रमश: एक करोड़ 87 लाख 63 हजार तथा 81 लाख 861 रुपए का भुगतान किया है।
चुनावी चंदे के मामले में कांग्रेस का प्रदर्शन औसत रहा। उपलब्ध ब्यौरे के मुताबिक 2005 विधानसभा चुनाव की अधिसूचना जारी होने और चुनाव खत्म होने तक तक कांग्रेस प्रदेश कार्यालय को मात्र 60 लाख 52 हजार 946 रुपए ही चंदे मिले। चंदा नकद इकट्ठा किये गये और 20 हजार से ज्यादा चंदा देने वालों की संख्या शून्य रही। जन प्रतिनिधित्व कानून के मुताबिक राजनीतिक दलों को 20 हजार से ज्यादा चंदा देने वालों की सूचना चुनाव आयोग तथा आयकर विभाग को उपलब्ध करानी पड़ती है। चेक या डिमांड ड्राफ्ट से चंदा देने या लेने की जहमत नहीं उठायी गयी। इस चंदे में पार्टी प्रत्याशियों द्वारा उगाहे गये चंदे शामिल नहीं हैं।
हिसाब-किताब में कांग्रेस ने नकद-नारायण का ही इस्तेमाल किया। सारे खर्चे कैश में किये गये, न चेक का झंझट और न ही ड्राफ्ट के पचडे। पर्चे, पोस्टर, अखबारों में विज्ञापन, होर्डिंग, कटआउट, बैनर, फ्लैक्स सभी खर्चें का भुगतान विभिन्न एजेंसियों को नकद ही किया गया। प्रचार में कांग्र्रेस ने मात्र 11 लाख 97 हजार 841 रुपए ही खर्च किये। चुनाव प्रचार के दौरान पार्टी नेताओं और कार्यकर्ताओं के खाने-पीने, घूमने-फिरने और मौज-मस्ती का पूरा ख्याल रखा गया। इस मद में पार्टी की ओर से लगभग 22 लाख रुपए खर्च किये गये। हवाई यात्रा से परहेज किया गया और इस मद में मात्र 9218 रुपए खर्च हुए। पार्टी या प्रत्याशियों के शुभचिंतकों को स्वतंत्रता दी गयी थी कि वे चाहें तो हवाई यात्रा कर सकते हैं। चूंकि कांग्रेस पार्टी या किसी राजनीतिक दल के वश में नहीं है कि वे 'अपने चाहने वालों' को चुनाव में खर्च करने से रोके।
पार्टी ने चुनाव बजट का लगभग 15 फीसदी जनसभाओं और रैलियों पर खर्च किया। दोनों कार्यक्रमों के लिए पार्टी ने लगभग 27 लाख रुपए लुटाये। कुल मिलाकर लगभग एक करोड़ में एक सीट, सौदा महंगा है क्या?
(लेखक नेशनल इलेक्शन वॉच के राज्य समन्वयक हैं। )
National and Jharkhand Election Watch Presents Nagrik Charter on 1st of November At the an Civil Society and Political Parties Interface
Jharkhand at a Glance
Jharkhand spreads tantalizingly over Chotanagpur plateau and Santhal Pargana. It is a land endowed with rare natural gifts. This homeland of tribal is full of stunning landscapes, majestic mountains, verdant valleys, serpentine rivers, wonderful waterfalls, lush green forests and exotic wildlife.
Jharkhand was created as the 28th state of the Indian Union with effect from 15th November 200O. The 28th state of the Indian Union was brought into existence by the Bihar reorganization Act on November 15, 2000 - the birth anniversary of the legendary Bhagwan Birsa Munda.
The state is inhabited by colorful tribal and village folk. The main tribes include Baiga, Bhatudih, Bedia, Bhimiz, Binjhiya, chero,chick badaik,Gond,Gorail,Ho,Karmali,Khariya,Kharwar,Khand,Kisan, Kora, Lohra, Mahil, Uraon, Santhal. The minor tribes include Asur, Birhor, Virajiya, Pahariya, and Mal Pahariya, Sauriya Pahariya, Hil Kharia, Sabar Korwa and Munda.
Jharkhand is famous for its rich mineral resources like Uranium, Mica, Bauxite, Granite, Gold, Silver, Graphite, Magnetite, Dolomite, Fireclay, Quartz, Fieldspar, Coal (32% of India), Iron, Copper (25%of India) etc. Forests and woodlands occupy more than 29% of the state which is amongst the highest in India. Jharkhand's gross state domestic product for 2004 is estimated at $14 billion at current prices. Born out of partition from old Bihar state in 2000, Jharkhand produces about 70% of the output of the old Bihar state. Since it is rich in minerals.
Jharkhand's gross state domestic product for 2004 is estimated at $14 billion at current prices. Born out of partition from old Bihar state in 2000, Jharkhand produces about 70% of the output of the old Bihar state. Since it is rich in minerals, the state per capita income is likely to increase in the coming years.
Agriculture
Agriculture is one of the main sources of income for the people of the state . Jharkhand has afertile soil and abundant water for inrigation. The main agricultutal products are Maize, Bazra, Til oil , seeds , vegetables and fruits. There is also a lare scope of producing Jute, Hemp, Sisal and other fabrics to boost the state economy. There is also a large potntial of tea cultivation, floriculture and horticulture in the state for exports.
The requirements of fruits, vegetables, and flowers, medicinal and aromatic plants are met by the local production of the state and these items are even exported to the deficient areas.
Favorable agro-climatic conditions allow round-the-year production of different varieties & "off-season" vegetable (such as brinjal, cabbage, cauliflower, ladies-finger, onion, peas, potato, pumpkin, mushroom, capsicum and green chilly) and fruits (such as mango, leechi, guava, banana, papaya, lemon, hack fruit, amla and others).
The state is blessed with vast resources for establishing food processing units including those of fruit and vegetable preservation, milk and meat preservation and for processing of minor forest produce.
The economic development of Jharkhand state will be possible only if agricultural and rural development takes place on sustainable basis with capacity building being the focal point for the developmental endeavor.
For the purpose of agricultural development, special emphasis should be laid on technological aspects, ensuring new, cheap and timely availability of inputs. There is a scope for bringing additional area under cultivation through vertical and horizontal expansions, increasing area under irrigation, increasing production and productivity of food crops through optimum utilization of inputs like seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, agricultural tools and implements.
Minerals
Jharkhand is the richest state in terms on mineral deposits. Jharkhand is famous for its rich mineral resources like Uranium, Mica, Bauxite, Granite, Gold, Silver, Graphite, Magnetite, Dolomite, Fireclay, Quartz, Fieldspar, Coal (32% of India), Iron, Copper (25%of India) etc.. Over 41 % of the total minerals of the country are produced here. The state is the sole producer coking cola, uranium and pyrite. Jharkhand ranks first in the production of coal, Mica, Kyanite and Copper in India. Important minerals which are essential for the growth of the industries are found here. The geological exploration and exploitation of gold, silver, base, metals, precious, stones are the potential areas of future.
Jharkhand has a concentration of some of the country’s highly industrialized cities such as Jamshedpur, Ranchi, Bokaro Steel City and Dhanbad. It also has several firsts in India, including:
• Largest fertilizer factory of its time in India (since shut down) at Sindri
• First Iron & steel factory at Jamshedpur
• Largest Steel plant in Asia, Bokaro steel plant,Bokaro.
• Biggest explosives factory at Gomia, Bokaro.
• First methane gas well at Parbatpur, Bokaro.
Health
On account of salubrious climate, Jharkhand, particularly its capital Ranchi, has been like a health resort. As far back as 1918, facilities were set up for treatment of mentally challenged – Central Institute of Psychiatry, Ranchi.
In certain areas of Jharkhand, poverty and consequently under nutrition, has given rise to diseases like tuberculosis (TB). In fact, TB has assumed epidemic proportions in certain areas of the state. For management and treatment of such diseases, organizations like Ramakrishna Mission through Ramakrishna Mission Tuberculosis Sanatorium (set up in 1948), Ranchi, has been doing exemplary work, and supplementing the efforts of the Government and other agencies. Likewise, in the field of treatment of cancer, Tata Memorial Hospital, Jamshedpur,[5] is rendering pioneering work. the same way Bokaro General Hospital equipped with modern facilities for the treatment Cancer and heart related problems with capacity of 1100 beds one of the largest in eastern India.
Fluoride in groundwater presents a public health problem in Jharkhand. A recent survey led by the Birla Institue of Technology, Mesra, Ranchi in collaboration with UNICEF in the northwest districts of Palamau and Garhwa found fluoride levels above the drinking WHO drinking water guidelines . Fluoride in drinking water leads to dental fluorosis, prevalent bone fractures, and skeletal fluorosis, an irreversible disabling condition. Some work has focused on combating fluorosis through increased calcium intake by consuming local plants. Researchers at Princeton University and the Birla Institute of Technology, Mesra, Ranchi are currently investigating defluoridation options, while performing an epidemiological survey to assess the extent of fluoride linked health problems and the impact of future interventions.
Although several public and private health facilities are available in the state, overall infrastructure for dispensing health related services require improvements.
Education
The literacy rate in Jharkhand is only 54.13% (2001) and female literacy rate is still lower at 39.38%.
Jharkhand has a network of government and privately run schools, although standard of teaching considerably vary, from place to place, as also from school to school.
After 10 years of schooling, students can join 2 years of Intermediate course (or +2 courses) in Arts, Science and Commerce. This is followed by 3 years of degree courses. A number of non-technical colleges are located in bigger cities as well as in small towns. Some students choose to join 3 years diploma courses offered by Industrial Training Institutes (ITIs).
Jharkhand has 7 Universities: Ranchi University, Ranchi; Sidhhu Kanhu University, Dumka; Binova Bhave University, Hazaribagh; Birsa Agricultural University, Kanke, Ranchi; Birla Institute of Technology, Ranchi, National Institute of Technology, Jamshedpur and Indian School Of Mines(ISM Dhanbad-Deemed University). There are three medical colleges in Jharkhand namely Rajendra Institute Of Medical Sciences(RIMS) at Ranchi, M.G.M. Medical College Jamshedpur and Patliputra Medical College And Hospital(PMCH) at Dhanbad. The famous b-school Xavier Labour Relations Institute(XLRI) is at Jamshedpur. It's PMIR programme is regarded best in the entire Asia-Pacific region. As the institutions of higher studies fall short of state's requirement, many students, after completing schooling in the state, move away to places like New Delhi, Karnataka and several other locations for higher technical and non-technical studies.
However a lot of work still needs to be done to incorporate the vulnerable and the marginalized. As per Census 2001, although the overall literacy rate among the Scheduled tribes the overall literacy rate has increased from 27.5 per cent at 1991 census to 40.7 percent at 2001 census, the literacy rate among the tribes is much below the comparison to that of all scheduled Tribes at the national level(41.7%). Like the all over literacy rate among the STs, male and female literacy rates (54 per cent and 27.2 per cent) are also considerable lower than those at the national level(59.2 and 34.8 per cent)
Among the numerically larger tribes, Oraon and Kharia have more than half of the population in the age of seven (7) years and above are literates while Munda have the literacy rate almost equal to that of all STS at the national level. Remaining five larger tribal groups have shown the overall literacy lower than that of the national average.
Among the total tribal literates, 33.6 per cent are either without any education level or have attained education below the poverty level. The proportions of literates who have attained education up to primary level and middle level are 28.6 per cent & 17.7 per cent. Respectively. Person educated up to matric/secondary/higher secondary constitute 16.5 per cent. This implies that every 6th tribal literate is a matriculate. Graduates and above are 3.5 per cent while technical and non technical diploma holders constitute a negligible 0.1 per cent only
Political history and the way forward
Jharkhand has been at the centre of interest right from early days of the states creation, following its breakaway from Bihar in 2000. Politics in Jharkhand has an old history. It has been the site of many tribal revolutions right from the British days and it was similar kind of insurgence that led to creation of the independent state of Jharkhand. However, modern Jharkhand politics feature an electoral system divided between the assembly and parliamentary constituencies of the state her many political parties compete for power. In fact, Jharkhand politics feature a number of political parties virtually unmatched by any other state.
Since its inception, Jharkhand has witnessed two Vidhan Sabha elections and it also witnessed experiences the functioning of National Election watch, Jharkhand Election Watch in the last 8 years to ensure a fair and transparent electoral political process. National Election Watch is a nation wide campaign of more than 1200 NGO and other citizen led Government Organizations working on political and electoral reforms to ensure a democratic election process.
It is matter of great pride that the third Vidhan Sabha election is just around the and hopefully this election will enable us to ensure a system of parliamentary democracy in Jharkhand
In this perspective, National election watch in this present all party meeting –interface between Society and Political Parties supported by Jharkhand Election Watch and civil societies , the peoples manifesto, which is a comprehensive draft highlighting issues and policies which should receive special attention from political parties.
Peoples Manifesto
2009
A step towards fair and transparent Electoral Process
Commitment towards millennium development Goals
Poverty
• Jharkhand is a rich state inhabited by poor people, suffering from starvation, poverty amidst natures bounties and blessing
• Poverty creates an environment which hits the children hardest and is damaging to children’s development in every way – mental, physical, emotional and spiritual.
• With the millennium development goal(to which India is committed) of eradicating extreme Poverty and Hunger only six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties.
Education
• The reports of 1991 census conforms that total tribal literates are without any education level or have attained education up to primary and middle level. Moreover, the proportion on tribal literates decline sharply in higher level of education as the percentage of students after matriculation drops down t almost one third in higher secondary level
• The literacy rate in Jharkhand is only 54.13% (2001) and female literacy rate is still lower at 39.38%.
• With the millennium development goal(to which India is committed) of achieving universal education- six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties.
Gender Equality
• According to the latest report of United Nations population fund around two third of the married women in India are victims of domestic violence and nearly 70 per cent of women in India between the age of 15 and 49 are victims of domestic violence
• The consequences of gender based violence are devastating , including life- long emotional distress, mental health issues and poor reproductive health
• Besides this, the effect might extend to future generation as children who see violence often suffer a lasting psychological damage
• Keeping in mind the millennium development goal(to which India is committed) of achieving Gender equality just six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties
Child health
• The problem malnutrition and infant morality rate is chronic in Jharkhand due to extreme poverty
• The Child morality rate is 92 per thousand with Rural child morality rate as 93.2 per thousand and Urban child morality rate as 63.7 per thousand as per 1991 Census
• With the millennium development goals(to which India is committed)of reducing child morality just six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties
Maternal Health
• The Health condition of the tribal communities in the past have been vulnerable due to widespread poverty, Illiteracy and malnutrition
• The social and economic discrimination towards women has given rise to Maternal morality ratio
• There is an urgent need to improve health outcomes for mothers with the millennium development goal(to which India is committed) of reducing maternal morality rate by 2015 is to be attained
Combat HIV/ AIDS
• According to an estimate of Aids Control Society the number of HIV positive cases has almost been doubled in the last one year in Jharkhand
• The maximum number of HIV positive cases have been found in six districts of the state – Ranchi, Jamshedpur,Girdih, Hazaribagh, Garwah and Sahebganj
• Jharkhand has also witnessed a sudden increase in cases of Malaria this year, especially during the monsoon
• In order to achieve the millennium development goals of Achieving universal access to treatment for HIV/AIDS and halt the progress of HIV, Malaria and other major diseases by 2015 it is imperative tat sustained efforts should be initiated at the state level as well
Environmental Sustainability
• Achieving environmental sustainability requires managing and protecting eco – system to maintain both their economically productive and their ecological functions, maintaining the diversity of life in both human –managed and natural system and protecting the environment from pollution to maintain the quality of land, air and water
• Due to extensive Coal mining and vigorous growth of Industries in Jharkhand water resources have been badly contaminated
• Besides mining, coal based industries like coal washeries, coke, oven plants , coal fired thermal power plants, steel plants and other related industries in the region pose a threat of environmental degradation
• With the millennium development goals(to which India is committed)of ensuring economic sustainability just six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties
Displacement
Displacement is the forcing of communities and Individuals out of their homes, often also their homeland for the purposes of economic development. Development induced displacement or Migration in the name of development is affecting more and more people as countries are moving from developing to developed nations. In terms of the development induced displacement in Jharkhand following points are relevant
• Acquiring land for development projects without providing for resettlement violates the basic rights of the tribal people, displacing the tribal people without providing for their resettlement deprives them of their basic right of occupation of their land which results in several problems like deprivation of their means of livelihood, migration to other places in search of work and living in poor conditions there, all of this just goes to show that displacement worsens the current position of the people
• The need to provide special protection to the tribal should be recognized, through enactment of an Rehabilitation Act which not only focuses on the future displacement but also addresses the anomalies of the previous Rehabilitation policy
Decentralization/Accountability and Transparency
In its democratic political aspect, decentralization is currently conceived and increasingly practiced in the international development community has two principal components
• Participation
• Transparency and Accountability
On the one hand participation is chiefly concerned with the increasing the role of citizens in choosing their local leaders what to do- in other words providing inputs to local governance, Accountability on other hand can be seen as the validation of participation, in that the test of whether attempts to increase participation prove successful to the extent to which people can use participation to hold a local government responsible for its action. In terms of the decentralization, accountability and transparency of policies and programmes in Jharkhand following points are relevant
Decentralization
• Panchayat Chunav Avilamb Ho
• Muncipal Chunav Ho
• Mahilao ko 50% reservation
• Traditional governance system should be strengthened and empowered
• Model Nagar palika Act Jharkhand mein Lago ho
Accountability and Transparency
• Political parties will commit towards accountability and transparency of all polices and programmes
• This commitment will comprise of administrative reforms
• The commitment includes both the responsibilities and the obligations of the ruling as well as the opposition party
• The commitment must include minimum standards that should be easily measurable. For instance – each disabled/Child is entitled to certain level of calories.
Jharkhand spreads tantalizingly over Chotanagpur plateau and Santhal Pargana. It is a land endowed with rare natural gifts. This homeland of tribal is full of stunning landscapes, majestic mountains, verdant valleys, serpentine rivers, wonderful waterfalls, lush green forests and exotic wildlife.
Jharkhand was created as the 28th state of the Indian Union with effect from 15th November 200O. The 28th state of the Indian Union was brought into existence by the Bihar reorganization Act on November 15, 2000 - the birth anniversary of the legendary Bhagwan Birsa Munda.
The state is inhabited by colorful tribal and village folk. The main tribes include Baiga, Bhatudih, Bedia, Bhimiz, Binjhiya, chero,chick badaik,Gond,Gorail,Ho,Karmali,Khariya,Kharwar,Khand,Kisan, Kora, Lohra, Mahil, Uraon, Santhal. The minor tribes include Asur, Birhor, Virajiya, Pahariya, and Mal Pahariya, Sauriya Pahariya, Hil Kharia, Sabar Korwa and Munda.
Jharkhand is famous for its rich mineral resources like Uranium, Mica, Bauxite, Granite, Gold, Silver, Graphite, Magnetite, Dolomite, Fireclay, Quartz, Fieldspar, Coal (32% of India), Iron, Copper (25%of India) etc. Forests and woodlands occupy more than 29% of the state which is amongst the highest in India. Jharkhand's gross state domestic product for 2004 is estimated at $14 billion at current prices. Born out of partition from old Bihar state in 2000, Jharkhand produces about 70% of the output of the old Bihar state. Since it is rich in minerals.
Jharkhand's gross state domestic product for 2004 is estimated at $14 billion at current prices. Born out of partition from old Bihar state in 2000, Jharkhand produces about 70% of the output of the old Bihar state. Since it is rich in minerals, the state per capita income is likely to increase in the coming years.
Agriculture
Agriculture is one of the main sources of income for the people of the state . Jharkhand has afertile soil and abundant water for inrigation. The main agricultutal products are Maize, Bazra, Til oil , seeds , vegetables and fruits. There is also a lare scope of producing Jute, Hemp, Sisal and other fabrics to boost the state economy. There is also a large potntial of tea cultivation, floriculture and horticulture in the state for exports.
The requirements of fruits, vegetables, and flowers, medicinal and aromatic plants are met by the local production of the state and these items are even exported to the deficient areas.
Favorable agro-climatic conditions allow round-the-year production of different varieties & "off-season" vegetable (such as brinjal, cabbage, cauliflower, ladies-finger, onion, peas, potato, pumpkin, mushroom, capsicum and green chilly) and fruits (such as mango, leechi, guava, banana, papaya, lemon, hack fruit, amla and others).
The state is blessed with vast resources for establishing food processing units including those of fruit and vegetable preservation, milk and meat preservation and for processing of minor forest produce.
The economic development of Jharkhand state will be possible only if agricultural and rural development takes place on sustainable basis with capacity building being the focal point for the developmental endeavor.
For the purpose of agricultural development, special emphasis should be laid on technological aspects, ensuring new, cheap and timely availability of inputs. There is a scope for bringing additional area under cultivation through vertical and horizontal expansions, increasing area under irrigation, increasing production and productivity of food crops through optimum utilization of inputs like seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, agricultural tools and implements.
Minerals
Jharkhand is the richest state in terms on mineral deposits. Jharkhand is famous for its rich mineral resources like Uranium, Mica, Bauxite, Granite, Gold, Silver, Graphite, Magnetite, Dolomite, Fireclay, Quartz, Fieldspar, Coal (32% of India), Iron, Copper (25%of India) etc.. Over 41 % of the total minerals of the country are produced here. The state is the sole producer coking cola, uranium and pyrite. Jharkhand ranks first in the production of coal, Mica, Kyanite and Copper in India. Important minerals which are essential for the growth of the industries are found here. The geological exploration and exploitation of gold, silver, base, metals, precious, stones are the potential areas of future.
Jharkhand has a concentration of some of the country’s highly industrialized cities such as Jamshedpur, Ranchi, Bokaro Steel City and Dhanbad. It also has several firsts in India, including:
• Largest fertilizer factory of its time in India (since shut down) at Sindri
• First Iron & steel factory at Jamshedpur
• Largest Steel plant in Asia, Bokaro steel plant,Bokaro.
• Biggest explosives factory at Gomia, Bokaro.
• First methane gas well at Parbatpur, Bokaro.
Health
On account of salubrious climate, Jharkhand, particularly its capital Ranchi, has been like a health resort. As far back as 1918, facilities were set up for treatment of mentally challenged – Central Institute of Psychiatry, Ranchi.
In certain areas of Jharkhand, poverty and consequently under nutrition, has given rise to diseases like tuberculosis (TB). In fact, TB has assumed epidemic proportions in certain areas of the state. For management and treatment of such diseases, organizations like Ramakrishna Mission through Ramakrishna Mission Tuberculosis Sanatorium (set up in 1948), Ranchi, has been doing exemplary work, and supplementing the efforts of the Government and other agencies. Likewise, in the field of treatment of cancer, Tata Memorial Hospital, Jamshedpur,[5] is rendering pioneering work. the same way Bokaro General Hospital equipped with modern facilities for the treatment Cancer and heart related problems with capacity of 1100 beds one of the largest in eastern India.
Fluoride in groundwater presents a public health problem in Jharkhand. A recent survey led by the Birla Institue of Technology, Mesra, Ranchi in collaboration with UNICEF in the northwest districts of Palamau and Garhwa found fluoride levels above the drinking WHO drinking water guidelines . Fluoride in drinking water leads to dental fluorosis, prevalent bone fractures, and skeletal fluorosis, an irreversible disabling condition. Some work has focused on combating fluorosis through increased calcium intake by consuming local plants. Researchers at Princeton University and the Birla Institute of Technology, Mesra, Ranchi are currently investigating defluoridation options, while performing an epidemiological survey to assess the extent of fluoride linked health problems and the impact of future interventions.
Although several public and private health facilities are available in the state, overall infrastructure for dispensing health related services require improvements.
Education
The literacy rate in Jharkhand is only 54.13% (2001) and female literacy rate is still lower at 39.38%.
Jharkhand has a network of government and privately run schools, although standard of teaching considerably vary, from place to place, as also from school to school.
After 10 years of schooling, students can join 2 years of Intermediate course (or +2 courses) in Arts, Science and Commerce. This is followed by 3 years of degree courses. A number of non-technical colleges are located in bigger cities as well as in small towns. Some students choose to join 3 years diploma courses offered by Industrial Training Institutes (ITIs).
Jharkhand has 7 Universities: Ranchi University, Ranchi; Sidhhu Kanhu University, Dumka; Binova Bhave University, Hazaribagh; Birsa Agricultural University, Kanke, Ranchi; Birla Institute of Technology, Ranchi, National Institute of Technology, Jamshedpur and Indian School Of Mines(ISM Dhanbad-Deemed University). There are three medical colleges in Jharkhand namely Rajendra Institute Of Medical Sciences(RIMS) at Ranchi, M.G.M. Medical College Jamshedpur and Patliputra Medical College And Hospital(PMCH) at Dhanbad. The famous b-school Xavier Labour Relations Institute(XLRI) is at Jamshedpur. It's PMIR programme is regarded best in the entire Asia-Pacific region. As the institutions of higher studies fall short of state's requirement, many students, after completing schooling in the state, move away to places like New Delhi, Karnataka and several other locations for higher technical and non-technical studies.
However a lot of work still needs to be done to incorporate the vulnerable and the marginalized. As per Census 2001, although the overall literacy rate among the Scheduled tribes the overall literacy rate has increased from 27.5 per cent at 1991 census to 40.7 percent at 2001 census, the literacy rate among the tribes is much below the comparison to that of all scheduled Tribes at the national level(41.7%). Like the all over literacy rate among the STs, male and female literacy rates (54 per cent and 27.2 per cent) are also considerable lower than those at the national level(59.2 and 34.8 per cent)
Among the numerically larger tribes, Oraon and Kharia have more than half of the population in the age of seven (7) years and above are literates while Munda have the literacy rate almost equal to that of all STS at the national level. Remaining five larger tribal groups have shown the overall literacy lower than that of the national average.
Among the total tribal literates, 33.6 per cent are either without any education level or have attained education below the poverty level. The proportions of literates who have attained education up to primary level and middle level are 28.6 per cent & 17.7 per cent. Respectively. Person educated up to matric/secondary/higher secondary constitute 16.5 per cent. This implies that every 6th tribal literate is a matriculate. Graduates and above are 3.5 per cent while technical and non technical diploma holders constitute a negligible 0.1 per cent only
Political history and the way forward
Jharkhand has been at the centre of interest right from early days of the states creation, following its breakaway from Bihar in 2000. Politics in Jharkhand has an old history. It has been the site of many tribal revolutions right from the British days and it was similar kind of insurgence that led to creation of the independent state of Jharkhand. However, modern Jharkhand politics feature an electoral system divided between the assembly and parliamentary constituencies of the state her many political parties compete for power. In fact, Jharkhand politics feature a number of political parties virtually unmatched by any other state.
Since its inception, Jharkhand has witnessed two Vidhan Sabha elections and it also witnessed experiences the functioning of National Election watch, Jharkhand Election Watch in the last 8 years to ensure a fair and transparent electoral political process. National Election Watch is a nation wide campaign of more than 1200 NGO and other citizen led Government Organizations working on political and electoral reforms to ensure a democratic election process.
It is matter of great pride that the third Vidhan Sabha election is just around the and hopefully this election will enable us to ensure a system of parliamentary democracy in Jharkhand
In this perspective, National election watch in this present all party meeting –interface between Society and Political Parties supported by Jharkhand Election Watch and civil societies , the peoples manifesto, which is a comprehensive draft highlighting issues and policies which should receive special attention from political parties.
Peoples Manifesto
2009
A step towards fair and transparent Electoral Process
Commitment towards millennium development Goals
Poverty
• Jharkhand is a rich state inhabited by poor people, suffering from starvation, poverty amidst natures bounties and blessing
• Poverty creates an environment which hits the children hardest and is damaging to children’s development in every way – mental, physical, emotional and spiritual.
• With the millennium development goal(to which India is committed) of eradicating extreme Poverty and Hunger only six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties.
Education
• The reports of 1991 census conforms that total tribal literates are without any education level or have attained education up to primary and middle level. Moreover, the proportion on tribal literates decline sharply in higher level of education as the percentage of students after matriculation drops down t almost one third in higher secondary level
• The literacy rate in Jharkhand is only 54.13% (2001) and female literacy rate is still lower at 39.38%.
• With the millennium development goal(to which India is committed) of achieving universal education- six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties.
Gender Equality
• According to the latest report of United Nations population fund around two third of the married women in India are victims of domestic violence and nearly 70 per cent of women in India between the age of 15 and 49 are victims of domestic violence
• The consequences of gender based violence are devastating , including life- long emotional distress, mental health issues and poor reproductive health
• Besides this, the effect might extend to future generation as children who see violence often suffer a lasting psychological damage
• Keeping in mind the millennium development goal(to which India is committed) of achieving Gender equality just six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties
Child health
• The problem malnutrition and infant morality rate is chronic in Jharkhand due to extreme poverty
• The Child morality rate is 92 per thousand with Rural child morality rate as 93.2 per thousand and Urban child morality rate as 63.7 per thousand as per 1991 Census
• With the millennium development goals(to which India is committed)of reducing child morality just six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties
Maternal Health
• The Health condition of the tribal communities in the past have been vulnerable due to widespread poverty, Illiteracy and malnutrition
• The social and economic discrimination towards women has given rise to Maternal morality ratio
• There is an urgent need to improve health outcomes for mothers with the millennium development goal(to which India is committed) of reducing maternal morality rate by 2015 is to be attained
Combat HIV/ AIDS
• According to an estimate of Aids Control Society the number of HIV positive cases has almost been doubled in the last one year in Jharkhand
• The maximum number of HIV positive cases have been found in six districts of the state – Ranchi, Jamshedpur,Girdih, Hazaribagh, Garwah and Sahebganj
• Jharkhand has also witnessed a sudden increase in cases of Malaria this year, especially during the monsoon
• In order to achieve the millennium development goals of Achieving universal access to treatment for HIV/AIDS and halt the progress of HIV, Malaria and other major diseases by 2015 it is imperative tat sustained efforts should be initiated at the state level as well
Environmental Sustainability
• Achieving environmental sustainability requires managing and protecting eco – system to maintain both their economically productive and their ecological functions, maintaining the diversity of life in both human –managed and natural system and protecting the environment from pollution to maintain the quality of land, air and water
• Due to extensive Coal mining and vigorous growth of Industries in Jharkhand water resources have been badly contaminated
• Besides mining, coal based industries like coal washeries, coke, oven plants , coal fired thermal power plants, steel plants and other related industries in the region pose a threat of environmental degradation
• With the millennium development goals(to which India is committed)of ensuring economic sustainability just six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties
Displacement
Displacement is the forcing of communities and Individuals out of their homes, often also their homeland for the purposes of economic development. Development induced displacement or Migration in the name of development is affecting more and more people as countries are moving from developing to developed nations. In terms of the development induced displacement in Jharkhand following points are relevant
• Acquiring land for development projects without providing for resettlement violates the basic rights of the tribal people, displacing the tribal people without providing for their resettlement deprives them of their basic right of occupation of their land which results in several problems like deprivation of their means of livelihood, migration to other places in search of work and living in poor conditions there, all of this just goes to show that displacement worsens the current position of the people
• The need to provide special protection to the tribal should be recognized, through enactment of an Rehabilitation Act which not only focuses on the future displacement but also addresses the anomalies of the previous Rehabilitation policy
Decentralization/Accountability and Transparency
In its democratic political aspect, decentralization is currently conceived and increasingly practiced in the international development community has two principal components
• Participation
• Transparency and Accountability
On the one hand participation is chiefly concerned with the increasing the role of citizens in choosing their local leaders what to do- in other words providing inputs to local governance, Accountability on other hand can be seen as the validation of participation, in that the test of whether attempts to increase participation prove successful to the extent to which people can use participation to hold a local government responsible for its action. In terms of the decentralization, accountability and transparency of policies and programmes in Jharkhand following points are relevant
Decentralization
• Panchayat Chunav Avilamb Ho
• Muncipal Chunav Ho
• Mahilao ko 50% reservation
• Traditional governance system should be strengthened and empowered
• Model Nagar palika Act Jharkhand mein Lago ho
Accountability and Transparency
• Political parties will commit towards accountability and transparency of all polices and programmes
• This commitment will comprise of administrative reforms
• The commitment includes both the responsibilities and the obligations of the ruling as well as the opposition party
• The commitment must include minimum standards that should be easily measurable. For instance – each disabled/Child is entitled to certain level of calories.
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