DEVELOPMENT DIALOGUE

RIGHTS OF THE DISABLED

2010-02-15T03:56:00.000-08:00

Implement the UNCRPD, say activists
India has ratified the UN Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, but done very little to protect the rights of the disabled in accordance with it. Freny Manecksha reports.

08 February 2010 - The proposal by the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment to introduce 101 amendments to the Persons with Disabilities (Equal Opportunities, Protection of Rights and Full Participation) Act in the budget session has come under criticism. Several groups of disabled people, with whom the government has been holding consultations, have demanded instead a totally new law that is aligned with the UN Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities (UNCRPD), which India ratified in 2007.

They say the proposed amendments are inadequate, and one must have a new law for the 70 million people with disabilities in India (figures according to civil society organizations) that contains everything in consonance with the Convention.

Prasanna Pincha, who works as an independent disability rights activist, explains why the UNCRPD is so crucial and how in the 21st century it has brought about a paradigm shift in perspective. "UNCRPD adopts a human rights approach instead of the earlier medical approach to disability. This is a shift from viewing people with disabilities (PWD) as objects needing social protection and medical care to seeing them as subjects having human rights, fundamental freedoms," he explains.

Impairments, not disabilities

Currently in India there are four different laws pertaining to the disabled. These are: The Mental Health Act, 1987, the Rehabilitation Council of India Act, (meant to provide minimum standards in training and qualification for rehabilitation professionals) the National Trust for Welfare of Persons with Autism, Cerebral Palsy, Mental Retardation and Multiple Disabilities Act, 1999 and lastly the Persons with Disabilities Act. Much of this legislation is medical oriented and adopts a welfare attitude. It looks at the physical impairments of people and labels these as disabilities.

Present legislation does not include as many as 20 provisions of the UNCRPD, especially those pertaining to civil and political rights. (Above: A poster from a campaign for inclusive education by the NGO Arushi, based in Bhopal.)

• The ability debates

The UNCRPD, on the other hand, defines disability as an evolving concept, says Pincha. The Convention believes disability results from interaction of impairments with various barriers which hinders full and active participation in society on an equal basis with others. Pincha, who is himself visually impaired, illustrates this concept drawing on his own experiences. "If I arrive in a city and check into a hotel where the instructions on how to dial the operator and other information given to the sighted are also available in Braille, if the elevator has Braille signs, if the menu too is in Braille, then my blindness is only an impairment. It is not a disability," he says.

The medical approach, which was the norm for centuries, sought corrections for the individual. The rights-based approach adopted by UNCRPD seeks a society that is designed and structured to help all categories and sections to access facilities and opportunities. This accessibility is not just confined to building roads or constructing buildings that have ramps for wheel-chairs, but it means ensuring that the disabled can access public transportation systems, pedestrian signs (Braille and audio), public facilities like schools, sports auditoriums, clinics, hospitals, malls and so on. Even, perhaps, adding special fitting rooms in department stores for those on wheel-chairs.

A rights-based approach

Whilst the PWD Act has in place a set of concessions and policies for the disabled it does not included the notion of non negotiable rights, says Pincha. The disabled cannot claim accessibility features as a matter of right. Their availability is subject to either formulation of schemes by the government or as per the ''economic capacity and development" of the State. A new law is necessary, says Pincha, because India has ratified the UNCRPD, whereupon it is mandatory for the government to adopt the human rights approach which would necessitate bringing about changes in all other laws like the recent right to education, employment and so on. The changes required would be so numerous and of such substantial, fundamental nature that it is better to draft a new law, he adds.

Saptarshi Mandal, of the Lawyers Collective points out how current legislation is not in tune with human rights obligations or with the advances in medicine and technology. For example, with technical advances available today, it should be possible for the visually impaired to access banks through ATMs and so on, but there is no enabling legislation to ensure the adoption of these technologies to serve the disabled. Likewise, there are laws on the books that have been framed during Colonial days, and have not been updated to reflect current knowledge or sensibilities. The Railway Act, for instance, says that people with leprosy cannot board trains even though it is now known that leprosy is not contagious and that a person with leprosy becomes non-infective within 24 hours of starting treatment.

Rajive Raturi, National Director, Disability Rights Initiative of the Human Rights Law Network, says that present legislation does not include as many as 20 provisions of the UNCRPD especially those pertaining to civil and political rights, such as freedom from cruel and inhuman treatment, freedom of expression and access to information, right to marry and have a family and freedom to participate in political and public life.

For example, according to current provisions of Indian law, those with mental illnesses cannot enter into contracts and have no property rights. The UNCRPD has made it clear that even the most severely affected people and the mentally retarded have rights and that the state must provide support networks to enable them to exercise these rights.

Further, the UNCRPD specifically addresses issues pertaining to women with disabilities and the rights of children with disabilities - something that current Indian legislation lacks. Worse still, certain sections of law are abused in ways that hurt the rights of disabled persons. The Center for Advocacy in Mental Health of the Bapu Trust in Pune has highlighted how Section 19 of the Mental Health Act - dealing with 'admissions to institutions under special circumstances' is often abused by families to dump women in institutions.

Litigation against discrimination

Both Raturi and Pincha have been active in using the law as a tool of social change and have filed Public Interest Litigation Pleas to address the existing discrimination. Raturi, along with others, challenged the government's postal life insurance scheme whereby disabled persons got lesser coverage and had to pay increased premiums. A writ petition was filed before the Delhi High Court citing UNCRPD and equality principles that the Constitution of India guarantees to all its citizens - including the disabled. The Court directed the Solicitor General (SG) to appear in person and respond to the discrimination.

Appearing on behalf of the government, Gopal Subramanium (the SG) assured the court that the government will hold broad consultations with experts and also take advice from the insurance regulators to draft a fresh policy which will have no discriminatory clauses against the disabled. Subsequently the government has notified that the coverage under the scheme will be uniform but orders have yet to be passed.

Raturi has also taken up the cause of deaf persons who are permitted to get driving licenses in many countries, but not in India.

Pincha has challenged banking norms whereby restrictions were placed on blind persons for opening accounts and for issuing cheques. Admitting his writ petition related to access, use and enjoyment of banking services and facilities by blind people on an equal basis the Guwahati High Court passed an interim order directing the concerned bank authorities to open his account in accordance with the normal procedures, giving him cheque facilities and without insisting on any special undertaking as sought by the bank. Subsequently the banking sector has revised its guidelines and become more progressive.

Pincha has also successfully taken up with the Chief Commissioner of Disability the issue of discriminatory treatment of disabled, air passengers who are forcibly seated at the rear end of the plane without consideration of their own preferences. The Director General of Civil Aviation, in consultation with various airlines, has consequently sought more progressive guidelines.

For Pincha these PILs are part of an ongoing crusade against the culture of discrimination and politics of exclusion that disabled persons routinely experience. Activists for the disabled say that rights based efforts to create an enabling environment for the disabled are ultimately all about demonstrating the main premise of the UNCRPD - namely that disability is a part of human diversity, and that the rights of disabled must therefore be at par with those of others.

Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2010/feb/hlt-uncrpd.htm

Manipur schools closure: boycott enters third month

2009-12-26T06:49:00.000-08:00

25 November 2009 - Imphal - The question, which is more important ‘Right to Education’ or ‘Right to Life’ might sound like seeking an answer to which comes first, the egg or the chicken. Yet, for the past two months the people of Manipur in the northeastern periphery of the world's largest democracy have been entangled without a hope in the clutches of this riddle.

More than 3.59 lakh students from primary to higher secondary levels in 4136 schools in the valley districts of the state have stopped attendance in a mass confrontation with the state government. The non-attendance is a consequence of the conflict situation and counter-insurgency measures such as the impunity granted to security forces under the AFSPA, 1958.

While the academic calendar each year is also often thrown asunder in the state by frequent public agitations against human rights violations and state's imposition of curfew in response, it was the fake encounter killing of a former insurgent and a pregnant housewife in broad daylight in the middle of busiest marketplace in Imphal on July 23 this year that has resulted in the current education deadlock in the state.

The figures are based on 2007-8 numbers from the Planning and Statistics Section of the State Directorate of Education. The actual number of students staying home could be much higher. They do not include students enrolled in 71 colleges listed with the Directorate of Education (U) as well as the Manipur University. Student details for the current academic year are still not available with both the Directorates.

What made the event different from the 'normalcy' defined by the routine of daily killings both by state and non-state forces, was that the killing of former insurgent Chungkham Sanjit was captured on the lens of a photographer who still remains anonymous for obvious reasons of safety. Manipuris claim after seeing the photographs that it was a case of custodial killing. Seven months-pregnant Thokchom Rabina, also killed in the same incident, was shopping for bananas in the crowded market with her two-and-half year old son. Five other civilians were injured in the incident.

The event might have met the same fate and ended after a round of fruitless dharnas and demands as is the case of most conflict related deaths in Manipur, but for the publication of the series of pictures by New Delhi-based magazine Tehelka showing that Sanjit was in police custody when he was killed.

The pictures reproduced in the local papers became new evidence and catalysed the Manipuri fire, made long dormant by continuous killings, denial of justice and systems of reparation. The result was a public movement demanding resignation of Chief Minister Okram Ibobi on moral grounds, punishment to the involved policemen and repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958.

For it's part, the government has not adopted measures of dialogues and negotiations. It responded with curfew and by detaining as many as eight public leaders including three women under National Security Act (NSA) which allows for preventive detention without trial for six months but extendable for up to one year. Bandhs, sit-in-protests and torch rallies were met by stern police action in the form of rubber bullets and tear gas shells.

When all efforts were thus brutally subdued, three major student bodies in the state – All Manipur Students Union (AMSU), Manipuri Students Federation (MSF) and Kangleipak Students Association (KSA) joined the public outcry and called an indefinite class boycott in the state starting from September 9 last in an attempt to pressurise the state government.

While announcing the boycott, the All Manipur Students Union (AMSU) emphasised the necessity of joining the agitation in view of the insecurity of life in the state. Adding that many innocent persons including students have fallen victim to frequent cases of fake encounters, it stated, “When death is hanging over the head of all the people including students, it has become a big question whether the student community should continue with their studies or join the people's movement. Rather than waiting to be killed in fake encounters, the student community too will join the mass movement for a secure future.”

Closure widespread in three valley districts

The present boycott has mostly affected the schools and colleges in three valley districts of the state – Imphal East, Imphal West, and Bishnupur. Of the 785 schools recognised by the Board of Secondary Education, Manipur, as on February 2, 2009, Imphal West and Imphal East districts have the highest concentration of 183 and 142 schools respectively. Bishnupur has 71 recognised schools.

Of the 785 schools mentioned above, 224 are government schools, 85 are government aided while 476 are private schools. The BSEM conducts the high school leaving certificate examinations. On the other hand, the Council of Higher Secondary Education, which conducts the higher secondary exams, recognises 138 institutes in the state including colleges and higher secondary schools providing higher secondary courses.

The fourth valley district of Thoubal which has 123 recognised schools remains mostly unaffected perhaps because it is the home district of not only chief Minister Okram Ibobi, but also that of PWD minister K Ranjit who is one of the most influential persons in the state cabinet.

Classes in the five hill districts – which have altogether 266 schools recognised by the BSEM -- are continuing as usual. But there is the fear that if the boycott continues and the state board exams are affected (rescheduled), the hill districts' efforts in keeping schools running might come to nought. This apprehension is fuelled also by the fact that most of the educational institutes in the state are concentrated in the valley districts.

Signs of tiring out, as attempt to end impasse fails

But even while students in Manipur spent the last two months catching up with their games, TV and friends when they should have been preparing for or even giving their final examinations, the government has sat adamantly in a silent vigil waiting for the protestors to tire out.

Indeed, tired out by the impasse, various guardians’ organisations, and private school bodies as another students group Democratic Students Alliance of Manipur (DESAM) started appealing for resumption of classes. What ensued was a debate which became increasingly acidic with each press release and public meeting. The AMSU, MSF and KSA in their defense questioned which one is more important – ‘Right to Life’ or ‘Right to Education’. They asked whether there would be a guarantee for their lives if the class boycott was suspended.

Taking advantage of the developing fracas, on November 7, the Secular Progressive Front (SPF) government led by chief minister Ibobi called for resumption of classes from November 9 onwards with policemen guarding the schools. But as the matter was still unresolved, the boycott continued, and attendance in both government and private schools was minimal. At the time of writing, the boycott stands and schools are still closed.

The Apunba Lup, a conglomerate body of numerous organisations, as well as the three agitating students’ bodies rejected the call for resumption of classes. The body said that main agenda of the SPF government seems to not only confuse the people by pretending to welcome negotiated settlement of the issues at hand but also reflects lack of seriousness and commitment to find solutions.

The government’s decision to prise open educational institutions deploying security personnel was against the spirit of efforts to sort out differences through negotiations, opined the Working Committee of the Apunba Lup, through the local press. This was a clear demonstration that the government would use all its resources to dilute the three months-old movement, said the committee. The All Manipur Recognised Private Schools' Welfare Association (AMRPSWA) has also decried the government's attempt to open educational institutions rather than sorting out and ending the impasse through mutual consultation and amicable settlement.

Parents impacted, school administrators speak out

Both the government’s failure to resolve the issue as well as the continued boycott have irked a sizeable section of the population. Mother of two school-going students, S Tombi Devi of Singjamei in Imphal West district says about the impasse, "When it is hard to cope up when my children does not attend school for even a single day, how will they (parents) ever be able to manage with this boycott for over two months now? We are paying extra for private tuitions now, and above that spending so much time overseeing their studies and their time at home that we can't go about our normal societal and daily duties.”

Dr K Nabachandra, principal of privately-owned Herbert School in Imphal West District states, "We feel that the government has failed to take the initiative they ought to have taken to resolve the current impasse. In all seriousness and sincerity required in dealing with the present imbroglio, they should first create an amicable atmosphere for talks. Only then will this situation be normalised.”

Two lone schoolchildren attending class in a school in Thoubal district. Pic: Sobhapati Samom.

“We are pained by this hardened stand of the government. On the other hand, we don't want the students alone to suffer on a public issue. When all other sections of the society, be it businesspersons, office employees or industrialists are going on with their normal routine, why should only the students who are young, innocent and too immature to understand the pros and cons of the public issue, be penalised," he said, reiterating his appeal for a dialogue between the two parties to speed up resumption of normal classes.

AMRPSWA further appealed to both the government and the agitators to make concerted effort for resolving the crisis within November 19 so as to enable resumption of normal academic activities. The government has ignored this deadline too, and the agitating parties are continuing their protests. One can only wait and see whether both sides will work in sincerity to settle the matter, but it goes without doubt that a stitch in time probably would have saved nine.

If the government had acted firmly and judiciously two months ago by booking those involved in the July 23 case -- one of the most atrocious cases of custodial killing -- perhaps things would not have come to this pass. Young Manipuris are now forced to choose between the ‘Right to Life’ and ‘Right to Education’ -- a choice which probably no one, especially one living in a democratic state like India, should be forced to make.

http://www.indiatogether.org

Kerala mangrove island under threat, cabinet divided

2009-12-26T06:43:00.000-08:00

21 November 2009 - The early morning sun emerging from the clouds brightens the narrow strip of land, which suddenly broadens and a house or two appear and then again narrows down to a three feet path. Birdcalls break the silence and different kinds of them flutter around. Surrounded on all sides by water and with estuaries curving into the land mass and mangroves weaving exotic pitch green patterns in the water and on the shores, it is an exhilarating visual experience. This is the island of Valanthakad in the Vembanad backwater, in the suburbs of Kochi, Kerala.

This unique eco-system is now threatened. It may vanish altogether or at least be marred beyond recognition if the project of Sobha Developers to setup a knowledge park, housing and commercial complex, multiplex, star hotels, IT research centre, oceanarium and a ropeway, comes through.

Mangroves weaving exotic green patterns in the water and on the shores in the Vembanad backwaters. Pic: Manilal Padavoor.

The Kerala State Biodiversity Board (KSBB) has strongly objected to the setting up of the High Tech City at Valanthakad and has urged the chief minister - who is also the chairman of the Single Window Clearance Committee constituted for speedy approvals of mega projects - to reject the project. Valanthakad constitutes a mangrove ecosystem comprising of 644 acres, the highest such concentration in the state.

Sobha Developers had signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with the Kerala government in August 2007 to set up the Rs.5,000-crore hi-tech city. As per the MoU, the company was to develop seven million square feet built-up area. The government, in turn agreed to bring the project under single-window clearance and to facilitate land development, limited land acquisition and environmental clearances, as well as provide utilities such as electricity, gas, water, sewage and communications.

The high-tech city is one of the four mega projects (Knowledge City, Kochi, a joint venture programme in Kozhikode with Grasim Industries, and an Integrated Township in Kozhikode are the other three) that have been short listed and submitted to the committee for clearance, following a decision by the state committee of the Communist Party of India, Marxist (CPIM), which leads the coalition, the Left Democratic Front (LDF), to speed up pending developmental projects.

There have been allegations from one faction of the party that Chief Minister V S Achutanandan is sitting on proposals citing environmental and population displacement problems. The CPI(M) has been riven by factionalism during the past years, Achutanadan leading one group and Pinarayi Vijayan, the state party secretary heading the other. Even though mostly personality driven, observers attribute certain ideological differences too. The Achutanandan group supposedly represents the 'conservative', 'ideology bound' Marxism, while the other group is seen to be more 'modern' and 'pragmatic'. The latter has a penchant for 'development' disregarding the human and environmental cost, and it is this group that alleges 'anti-development' trends on the part of the chief minister.

Furthermore, Achutanandan’s relegation from the politburo of the party and the strictures by the top committee to strictly abide by the party decisions is reportedly being used by interested sections of the party to get these mega projects approved. In the meantime, however, Binoy Biswam, Minister for Forests of the Communist Party of India (CPI) too has come out against hasty clearance of mega projects overlooking rules and regulations and shot off a letter to his party’s national secretary asking for intervention in the matter.

The proposed project would violate a series of national and state laws, the note, by KSBB has cautioned the chief minister. These include the Coastal Regulation Zone notification, Kerala Conservation of Paddy Land and Wetland Act 2008, National Environment Policy, 2006, Kerala Forest Policy 2008 and the National Wetland Conservation Programme. The company has apparently acquired 320 acres of land including onetime paddy fields and vast fish farming lakes, according to the KSBB. But it is reported that the purchases have been made in the names of 18 different companies to overcome the Land Reforms Act. Hence the note to the chief minister points out that the project if given the green signal, will be in violation of the Kerala State Land Reforms Act, 1963, apart from going against the Kerala State Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan, and the Ramsar Convention.

“Valanthakad is part of the Vembanad backwater, which is one of the Ramsar sites and any such activities as has been proposed will be a gross violation and would lead to disastrous consequences,” pointed out Purushan Eloor, an environmental activist and a member of the Environmental Protection Group (Paristhithi Samrakshana Koottayma) which had filed a PIL against the project in 2007. The case has hardly made any progress because of prevarication by the government, alleges Eloor, who is in his mid-forties. The court had issued notices to the state government and the state industries department. But the government has been delaying further progress by citing various excuses like ‘the final project report is not yet ready’ etc.

Notwithstanding all the objections raised by the Kerala State Biodiversity Board, Minister of Industries Elamaram Kareem is quite confident that the High Tech City project will be given the nod without much delay.

• AP crisis: fishermen marooned
• Biodiversity: The downward spiral

94 per cent of the mangroves that was there in Kerala till the 1980s have been destroyed, according to the Board. Almost half of the backwater that surrounded Kochi is no more there and Valanthakad is the lone survivor with its rich bio diversity. 77 plant species and 27 water organisms have been identified here.

The report says in no uncertain terms that the destruction will be irreversible. “It is just impossible to recreate the mangrove system elsewhere; biological science has not yet grown for such a feat.” The KSBB notes that “the biodiversity of the area is quite rich and it is a traditional waterfowl area attracting a large number of migratory species.” The report goes on to say that the people of the area would lose the indirect benefits worth Rs. 77.28 crores annually. Dr V S Vijayan, chairman of the KSSB, clarified that this is the gross value of 14 eco-system services, like regulation of groundwater, that are invisible, but very much assessable.

Vembanad backwaters in evening light. Pic: P N Venugopal.

Only 48 families live in the island now. “Initially they had approached us too for buying land,” says Chandran, a local man, who supports his family by fishing in the backwaters. None of the families sold out to the builder. “We cannot even think of a life elsewhere,” he adds. Sahajan, another island dweller confirmed that most of the land/water logged area were purchased from absentee landlords who had given up Pokkali farming (a unique practice of paddy cultivation in saline water) and fish farming. There is a ferry-a country boat- connecting the island with the mainland where many of the younger people study or work.

Notwithstanding all the objections raised by the Board, the Minister of Industries, Elamaram Kareem is quite confident that the Sobha City project will be given the nod without much delay. Responding to the questions on the views of the KSBB, the minister said in a press meet that the project would provide employment for 75000 people. He stressed that none of the existing rules needs be amended for this, instead ‘relaxations in the existing rules’ could be offered.

When confronted with this, Dr Vijayan responded: “If relaxations are made, then there is no point in having acts and laws. And this project is not for any public good. Instead it’s only for the profit of one or few individuals.”

Even though Achutanadan has become less vocal and less forthcoming on various issues after the disciplinary action taken against him by his party, the Sobha City project is seen by many as an acid test of the veteran. It remains to be seen whether these troubled tracts will stay protected. (The Quest Features & Footage) ⊕

The futility of hope

2009-12-26T06:38:00.000-08:00

25 November 2009 - If you walk a few minutes along the filthy, open drain skirting Madubhai Machuware's house in Chikhalda village of Madhya Pradesh, it will lead you to the mighty Narmada, his mother goddess. Before the Bargi, Narmada Sagar and Sardar Sarovar dams were built, Madubhai earned his dal-roti by cultivating melons, vegetables and flowers on its riverbed, and fishing in its waters. Now living his life in the shadow of these large dams, he can manage neither.

The reservoir of Sardar Sarovar has submerged the riverbed, and the ensuing siltation along with other factors, ensured that he can never catch enough fish to feed his family of eleven - sons, daughters-in-law and grandchildren included. On days when he returns home without a catch, he doesn't even feel like drinking his cup of chai. And when water begins to flow in the panchayat taps in the neighbourhood, the drain adjoining his house which carries human excrement, fills his nostrils with a repulsive smell. Yet he refuses to move to a resettlement site of the Sardar Sarovar Project at Narmadanagar six kilometres away, where he has been allotted a house plot. Here's why.

Madubhai is one of thousands of fishworkers, riverbed cultivators and boatmen whose livelihood has been snatched away by the Sardar Sarovar dam. The Government has never bothered to conduct a survey of these categories of the displaced, hence no official count is available. The Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) - the movement fighting for the displaced for more than two decades - puts the figure at about 10,000 families pursuing these occupations. Customary usage of land - as in Madubhai's case - has been recognised by the resettlement and rehabilitation policy of the Madhya Pradesh Government, which states that persons with encroachments prior to 1987 will be entitled to agricultural land.

Instead of being allotted agricultural land, Madubhai has to be content with about a lakh of rupees in cash compensation for his house which will also be submerged, and a 500 square metre house plot. This plot was first allotted to him at the Nanakbaydi resettlement site, on saline, black cotton soil unsuitable for construction. When he applied for a change of resettlement site from Nanakbaydi to Narmadanagar - closer to the river - he encountered more hurdles. The road is three to four feet higher than the house plot at his new resettlement site, and the construction of a high enough plinth such that rainwater will not enter his house, will cost him forty thousand rupees. How does the Government expect him to build a house with the sixty thousand he'd have left over, he wonders. But not having a roof over his head in the near future is not the only cause of Madubhai's anxiety.

Since Bargi - the first major dam on the Narmada - was built upstream near Jabalpur in 1990, Madubhai's occupation of cultivating watermelon, muskmelon and vegetables on the sandy banks of the river has been continually disrupted. Watermelon and muskmelon are cultivated exactly at the level of the water table in the sand on the riverbed. These fruits grow on creepers. If the water level increases even by a foot, on the one hand, the creepers are completely submerged. On the other hand, if the water level goes down by a foot, their roots do not penetrate deep enough to be able to draw water.

Since the turbines of the Bargi dam became operational more than a decade and a half ago, the water adjoining Madubhai's riverbed land has been fluctuating by two to four feet in its level. When water would be released to run the turbines, it would enter the land. His saplings would rot. When the water would recede, he would make another attempt - sow again, only to be faced with another failed crop. His livelihood was buffeted in this manner by the capricious release of water from the Bargi dam, till the reservoir of the Sardar Sarovar dam downstream filled up. Now the riverbed was completely submerged, once and for all.

"Hamara to dhanda hi khatam ho gaya," he says matter-of-factly. From now on, he would have to rely solely on fishing to feed his family.

When the gates of the upstream Narmada Sagar dam were closed in 2003, the flow of the river near Madubhai's village reduced greatly. Further downstream, it dried up. Crocodiles, tortoises and fish died. Because this happened during the breeding season for fish, their eggs were destroyed as well. Since then, Madubhai has been unable to find enough fish in the river.

To add to his woes, his small shikari nav - about a foot and a half in height - can't ply the deep waters of the reservoir. With the equipment he owns - small nets, hooks and strings - he can't possibly fish in the dammed river, its nature having changed completely since its natural flow was hindered. This forces him to fish nearer to the riverbank. But when he puts out his strings with hooks in the water, they get stuck in the silt. Besides, fish prefer to stay within the reservoir instead of swimming to its muddy banks. And the few fish that are present at the boundaries can't be spotted.

As a result, Madubhai's income from fishing has plummeted as well. He can't even catch two kilos of fish in a day's work. His eleven member household needs two hundred rupees for their daily expenses. He is unable to procure loans from his contacts to meet these expenses, because without an income, he can't be trusted to repay them. For almost twenty years, his life and livelihood has been caught in the vortex of so-called development in the name of one dam or another. Some people might benefit from these dams, he admits. But for him, there was only loss, and more loss.

A view of the lane adjoining Madubhai's house

In spite of his grave predicament, Madubhai does have a little to be thankful for today, which will soon slip out of his hands too. Today, he is still able to catch some fish which keeps his house running, however unsatisfactorily. But in the near future, he fears that the Government will contract out fishing rights in the reservoir to a big player. Instead of hiring local fishworkers, this new contractor will prefer to bring labour from outside the area. Migrant labourers are easier to exploit, work longer hours and for lesser pay, as they can't form unions, don't have local contacts and can't speak the language of the region.

Such contracting of fishing rights to an outsider will destroy what little is left of Madubhai's earning potential. And despite his repeated requests and protests as a member of the NBA, the Government has so far refused to conduct even a preliminary survey of fishworkers, leave alone rehabilitating them.

When Madubhai first heard that a big dam would control the waters of the river he revered, he didn't believe the news. Navagam, the site of the proposed dam, was about 150 kilometres from his village along the Narmada. How could they build something so big that the river would rise to his doorstep? Only after the dam was built though, did he realize that the impossible was also possible. Besides, all through the years after he first heard about the dam, he never knew that its waters would drown his little world.

Did the Government not tell him anything about the catastrophe he'd have to face? Nothing. Not a word, he replies calmly. If only the Government had told him the truth, he would have joined the NBA many years before he did.

When the riverbed submerged for the first time, Madubhai's musk melons had grown, each weighing from a quarter to about three quarters of a kilo. That's when they had released water from the Bargi dam, he remembers bitterly. Along with other fishworkers, Madubhai had applied for compensation in the tehsil office. He and his co-workers were compensated anywhere between two and five thousand rupees. Since that first time, Madubhai's riverbed land was submerged often, but he never got a rupee in compensation. Nor is he able to find fish in the river now, unlike the time of that first submergence. Now only God can lead him to the other shore, he concludes helplessly.

To meet his expenses in such an extreme situation, Madubhai has had to resort to the last option: selling about a kilo of silver from his savings. Since his riverbed land completely submerged three years ago, the game is over for him. Before the waters of the dam drowned his livelihood, he remembers, his family would eat with joy. He was a carefree man then. But now, he has to borrow for everything from weddings to illnesses. He has a loan of about forty thousand rupees on his head. How will he repay it? Only God can find a way for us, is his only answer.

At the end of the day, does Madubhai have hope?

"What can I hope for?" he asks. "Hope is not of any use. God only shows good days. When the time comes, everything happens for the good. God is giving us dal-roti, life goes on, that is the biggest hope. No one has seen what happens tomorrow. Our children are not educated. We can't hope that our children will get into some service and progress in life. They are all fishermen. They eat whatever they can get by fishing in the Narmada and continue to live."

http://www.indiatogether.org/

Food fight over hunger - Prasenjit Maiti

2009-12-05T02:35:00.000-08:00

March 2003 - A few state governments in India have of late waged a war of attrition with the Union Government over the contentious issue of providing cooked mid-day meals to underprivileged primary school children. This is primarily a central government-funded public welfare scheme where the center provides uncooked cereals (and transportation of food grains) free of cost. However, “cash-strapped” state governments plead inability to provide cooked meals to children in the below poverty level category, and seek to provide uncooked cereals instead (that too on an irregular basis), although it costs about Re.1 per child per day to provide cooked meals for the stipulated 200 days a year.

"The Calcutta High Court has ordered the Government of West Bengal to file a criminal law suit against the Inspector of Schools of Midnapore district on charges of selling mid-day meal rice in collusion with a local Block Development Officer"

The Supreme Court of India, the country's apex federal court, in an interim judgment, has recently ordered these state governments to immediately comply with the Union Government's regulations or else the center's aid to the states will be diverted to sponsor the mid-day meals project in primary schools. NGOs like the Right to Food and Work Network, Campaign against Child Labour, West Bengal Education Network and the Calcutta NGO Forum of Street and Working Children organised demonstrations by underprivileged children on 14 November 2002 — Children’s Day — in Calcutta and across West Bengal to protest against the state government’s inability to provide mid-day meals to primary school students.

Children mobilised a symbolic fund-raising drive with banners stating: “Our state government claims it doesn’t have the necessary money to provide us with food in our schools, so we’re begging for money from the common people. We shall send this money to chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee so that he can provide cooked meals to hungry children.” However, the government, citing financial shortages, hasn’t yet sanctioned Rs. 190 crore to provide cooked meals to about 95 lakh students in the state. The West Bengal government, in response to a Supreme Court ruling that states should not compromise with children’s food, had earlier petitioned that it was unable to implement the central government-funded mid-day meals project due to a severe funds crunch. But the apex court rejected the petition and cautioned on 3 September 2002 that Central aid to the states would be diverted for the meals project if cooked meals were not duly provided in schools.

The People’s Union for Civil Liberties (Rajasthan) filed a petition In May 2001 in connection with the “right to food” in the Supreme Court, demanding that the country’s food stock should be used without delay to prevent hunger. The Supreme Court, in its “interim order” passed on 28 November 2001, converted the benefits of eight nutrition-related federal schemes into legal entitlements and directed the state governments to provide cooked mid-day meals for all children in government and government-assisted schools:

“It is the case of the Union of India that there has been full compliance with regard to the Mid-Day Meal Scheme. However, if any of the States gives a specific instance of non-compliance, the Union of India will do the needful within the framework of the Scheme.

“We direct the State Governments to implement the Mid-Day Meal Scheme by providing every child in every Government and Government assisted Primary Schools with a prepared mid-day meal with a minimum content of 300 calories and 8-12 grams of protein each day of school for a minimum of 200 days. Those Governments providing dry rations instead of cooked meals must within three months [28 February 2002] start providing cooked meals in all Government and Government-aided Primary Schools in half of the Districts of the State (in order of poverty) and must within a further period of three months [28 May 2002] extend the provision of cooked meals to the remaining parts of the State

“We direct the Union of India and the Food Corporation of India to ensure provision of fair average quality grain for the Scheme on time.

“The States and the FCI are directed to do joint inspection of food grains. If the food grain is found, on joint inspection, not to be of fair average quality, it will be replaced by the FCI prior to lifting.”

This judgement revised the earlier arrangement under which primary school students were to be provided with 100 gm of wheat or rice for a minimum of 200 days in a year free of cost. However, states like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Jharkhand have violated the order of the Supreme Court by not implementing the project. Manipur also plans not to introduce the scheme. It has even submitted an interim application to the Supreme Court to this effect. Both Manipur and Mizoram have argued that mid day meals are not part of the eating habit of the people, and that children do not like to eat in the middle of the day, according to the Voice of the Asia-Pacific Human Rights Network.

The Tribune reported on 29 September 2002 that “The states did not have the money and the Center did not assist. The matter was taken up by the states with the Prime Minister and the Ministry of Human Resource Development leading to delay in filing affidavits by states, including Punjab.” The mid-day meal scheme happens to be one of the most resisted central schemes in federal India. This happens to be a central government scheme, but the states have to bear the costs of implementing it. This is one of the prime reasons for stiff resistance by the states.

The Hindu reported on 13 September 2002 that “Since the start of the new academic session a few months ago, the mid-day meal scheme is not being adequately implemented to nearly nine lakh children studying in 1,800 primary schools of the Municipal Corporation of Delhi. Whatever is being given to the students is unhygienic and sub-standard, the Opposition Bharatiya Janata Party has alleged, a charge denied by the ruling Congress. Further, services of private contractors are being taken for distributing fresh fruits to the students.”

The Jan Swasthya Abhiyan, an NGO, has reported that the Maharashtra government has issued an order to the effect that contributions for the scheme will come "voluntarily" from the villages themselves. Local bodies have even been cautioned that they will not receive the benefits of other central government schemes if they do not contribute to the mid-day meal scheme. The Times of India, a national daily, reported on 8 July 2002 that “The Maharashtra government has decided to wash its hands off the mid-day meal scheme for primary schools, claiming that it has no funds to provide cooked meals to students. The onus of running the scheme has been passed on to the gram panchayats (village-level institutions of decentralised governance).

Jean Dreze, Visiting Professor at the Delhi School of Economics, argues that “60 million tonnes of grain are lying idle in public warehouses. These food mountains have become a resilient national embarrassment. Grain withdrawn from these warehouses is effectively costless, since the procurement expenses have already been borne. In fact, using idle food stocks for school meals would save money, by reducing storage costs” (The Hindu, 21 May 2002).

There is something deeply defective about a democracy where people's basic needs count for so little in electoral politics.

Collective demands for mid-day meals were raised in more than a hundred districts of the country by way of public hearings, protest demonstrations, hunger rallies and the like on 9 April 2002. The unwilling states, however, are yet to comply. Demonstrations were held in each and every district of Bihar. Thousands of children clamored for mid-day meals in Patna, the capital city, with empty plates.

“One might have expected State Governments to welcome the school-meal programme as an opportunity to win votes at relatively low cost. Indeed, the scheme is likely to be quite popular, and it is not very expensive for the State Governments, given that the Central Government is supplying the grain for free. In most States, however, there is no sign of such enthusiasm. There is something deeply defective about a democracy where people's basic needs count for so little in electoral politics,” adds Dreze.

Voices of the marginalised - Pratibha Jyoti

2009-12-05T01:49:00.000-08:00

In the poorest part of Jharkhand, community radio has become an important instrument for the development of neglected communities. If access to their own media were freer, the villagers believe, things could be even better. Pratibha Jyoti reports on the progress made even without government support for community stations.

14 March 2005 - The villagers of the Angada Block in Jharkhand's Ranchi district had for long been asking for the basic facility of a school - an appeal that had been expressed, until now, through letters and invitations to the local administration and the government. What finally drew the attention of Savra Lakra, the MLA of the Khijli Vidhan Sabha, was a play performed by the villagers on the dire need for schools in the village. This programme was aired on FM Ranchi, as part of a community radio initiative in Angada Block, on the day of its inauguration on 31st October 2004. It forced the legislator to come all the way and promise the villagers that they will soon have schools in their village.

As Etwa Bedia, the field coordinator of the Community Radio initiative, enthuses, "The villagers have been given a new life with this initiative. The Community Radio has become a tool through which the villagers can now have their voices heard by the policy makers." "Radio is a medium that is cheap and has an excellent reach. Most villagers already have or have now bought a radio set. It is our forum where we can reflect on our every need and problem," says Malya Bedia, a resident of one of the villages.

Initiated by Charkha Development Communication Network, this Delhi-based NGO aims to empower the rural poor and the disadvantaged communities and to articulate voices that highlight the local issues to the opinion leaders and policy makers. Initially as part of a Pilot Project Community Radio initiative in Jharkhand, in association with the regional partner, Manthan Yuva Sansthan, a need-based study was conducted of selected community people, who were then trained to develop and design a half hourly radio programme in a magazine format. As Mohammad Shakeel, the Associate Coordinator of Manthan, explains, "It is the villagers themselves who choose the issues to be aired in a programme". The residents of these 17 villages are not only the listeners, but also the directors of and performers in this half-hour programme.

It is the villagers themselves who choose the issues to be aired in a programme. The residents of these 17 villages are not only the listeners, but also the directors of and performers

The popularity of the show is evident by the fact that every Sunday at 6:30 pm the villagers are glued to their respective radio sets and small transistors. Expressed through issue-based plays, folk songs, development news and discussions, the initiative has made the residents not only socially aware but has also made them confident enough to take their local issues and challenges to the concerned officials. The final script is anchored by the two sutradhars -Etwari Behan (in the voice of Rita) and Somra Bhai (narrated by Ramdhan Bedia).

Now it is through radio that news on various government schemes, Panchayati Raj and news on rural development, is being aired in the local dialect of Panch parganiya. The villagers now know the number of houses being made under the Indira Awas Yogana and the quantity of food grain being distributed among shopkeepers under the public distribution system.

Rita, one of the narrators, begins her day by practicing her script, for which she has to walks down a whole 3 kms, to the Mungadih village. "Since the day community radio has entered the village, the inequality between the men and women of this village has lessened. When Manthan approached me with the suggestion to present the programme, my husband and mother-in-law were totally against it. But I had made my decision and quietly came for the recording of the programme. Now my husband is very proud of me," grins Rita.

As Rita explains, earlier the women of the village were hesitant to discuss their personal problems and local issues. But the community radio has given them a platform to share their views confidentially and seek guidance on the same.
But why Angada block? Sudhir Pal, the local coordinator of the community radio initiative, explains, "Despite the formation of the new state, none of the villages have witnessed much positive change. But Angada is such a block, where none of the development work has yet reached. Here people do not have even the basic facilities of roads, electricity, education and basic health care.

The community radio initiative is a platform for these voices of the marginalised, which will help the community to fulfill their needs and aspirations." Moreover, the block is placed strategically, for the nearest town to the region is the capital city of Ranchi, which is also the political seat of the state.
Statistics show that this block is one of the poorest and the most backward regions of Jharkhand. Here, of a total population of 1 lakh people, 45% are scheduled castes, and 15% are scheduled tribes. Sustaining themselves on forest and farming, the residents, with difficulty, grow crops of wheat and Marua, for there is just one source of irrigation, which is the hand pump. Although many hand pumps have been built in the region, only one or two actually have a water connection. Under such circumstances, rainwater becomes the more viable option for the farmers. There is one PDS shop that opens rarely and that too only for few hours. For the past 20 years, one can see electricity poles, but till today the villagers are yet to witness the electricity connection.

In such a situation, the community radio - a social, cultural and political tool - has become an important instrument for the development of the marginalised communities. "The impact of the community radio shall be greater when the government gives organisations and communities the access and the freedom to own radio stations. One cannot hope for much social change until community radio enjoys the same freedom as does the television, newspapers and other magazines," comments Charkha Chairperson, Shankar Ghose.

There are many obstacles to the growth of the radio, he explains. In 1995, P.B. Savant, the noted Supreme Court Judge had claimed that the public had full right over the airwaves. Despite this, Prasar Bharti still has control over the free airwaves. In the process, one needs to have a license for the community radio and the process to acquire it is so complex that one needs to gain permission from at least four Ministries (Home, Defence, Human Resource and Foreign). The Broadcasting Review Bill, which has not been cleared for the past four years, can bring new hope to more initiatives such as these, in every district of every state. Meanwhile, one may only hope that the sounds of silence in the Angada Block, Ranchi are broken for good by the voices from the marginalised. (Charkha Features)

references: http://www.indiatogether.org/

Making ends meet - Neeta Deshpande

2009-11-25T07:19:00.000-08:00

07 November 2009 - When Devilal Tadvi of the Adivasi village of Gadkoi in Gujarat first saw the site of the Sardar Sarovar dam located about twelve kilometres from his home, a singular thought crossed his eager mind. When would the mighty Narmada water his small field? Little did he know, that not only would he get no water from the dam in the future, but that he wouldn't have much agricultural land left either.

Devilal's father Jatanbhai had already lost seven and a half acres to the dam's main canal in the early eighties. With only four acres left over that was partitioned between Jatanbhai and his four sons, Devilal's share was less than an acre. Though Gujarat Government officials promised the family adequate cash compensation when they acquired the land, they soon reneged on their sugar-coated assurances. Eventually, Jatanbhai was paid a meagre Rs.2800 an acre, impoverishing him with a stroke of a pen, for life.

Government officials also promised that all four of his sons would be employed, but only one son was hired as a clerk in a State Bank branch in the colony built for dam engineers and staff. Now Devilal was forced to work as a labourer on other people's farms, pulling out weeds all day for a tiny payment. When dry, merciless summers arrived, he had to leave home for Surat, to sweat and slog at construction sites in inhospitable conditions. But he still had hope that the Government would compensate his family for the land it had so unjustly usurped, that it would provide them Narmada waters to irrigate the fields which buttressed their lives. The compensation money never came. Nor did the water

Jatanbhai is one of thousands of farmers who lost land to the canal network of the dam, much touted as Gujarat's lifeline. The 1992 report of the Independent Review commissioned by the World Bank - which initially sanctioned a loan of $450 million for the Sardar Sarovar Projects (SSP) - puts the figure of land-owning farmers with titles who would become landless or be left with less than two hectares, at about 14,000. The report further states that based on discussions with affected families, in many regions, one title holder is equal to three or four families.

Yet, despite being uprooted from their fields, these farmers were not recognized as project-affected, and thus, not even entitled to resettlement. Instead, their lands were acquired under the Land Acquisition Act at ridiculously low rates, steeping their lives in penury for generations to come.

Jatanbhai tells the story of his loss with a straight face. His voice is calm, his words matter-of-fact: "Only when I saw them measuring other fields in the area, I found out that I'd lose mine too. They cut my standing groundnut crop. We had to feed it to our livestock. They said they'd compensate me. But they never did. After I signed the papers, the police warned me not to go to my field. What could I have done? They'd already started digging up my land with a bulldozer. Should I have sat with my head in my hands and cried?"

While lands in his area were being measured for acquisition, Jatanbhai was struck by another grave tragedy. When his sister-in-law underwent a tubectomy, his wife decided to follow suit. After asking her husband's permission, she boarded a motor vehicle for the Government hospital some 25 kilometres away. She was given an injection for anesthesia, says Jatanbhai, after which she passed away. Did he ask the doctor what happened? "The doctor had no explanation", he replies. "He only said: nasha ho gaya." Soon after, Jatanbhai pulled his children out of school, and resolved to bring them up without a mother's care. At the time, his youngest son was only three.

When he lost his mother, Devilal - the third son - was still in the seventh standard. Today, his eyes reflect his emotions when he recalls his school days. "I never had new clothes or books. Through my schooling, I wore my older brother's clothes, read from his used textbooks. We never had enough money for food, leave alone clothes. And when my father couldn't manage the expenses anymore, what option did I have? My classmates from better families continued to study, and secured jobs, as teachers, clerks or nurses. But I couldn't ..." he trails off.

Devilal, who would have been a farmer in his own right, was now forced into a life of labour to profit others, leaving him to struggle for the basic necessities of life. When agricultural work was unavailable during the summer months, he had no choice but to leave his village in a desperate bid to find work, any work. The only employment that came his way: the inhuman grind of a construction labourer. He prepared cement mixture for plastering walls, sprinkled water over buildings, lifted unbearably heavy bags of cement - the lot of an animal of burden.

His contractors would not allow him to sleep in the buildings he built for fear of theft, so he had to make the adverse footpaths his home for the nights. "My fingers had injuries", he remembers, "and the contractor would abuse me with insulting words. Arranging food was difficult, and I've had to go hungry for a day or two. My life has been very difficult. But if I don't suffer, how will my children eat?"

A few years down the line, Devilal was afflicted by a severe attack of malaria. The disease took its toll - he was ill for an entire six months. He vowed never to return to the city again. Later in 1984, he applied to the same Government Hospital where his mother had died a most unfortunate death, for a job as a nurse. He was selected, but an official kept his order pending for two months. Then, as expected, the official demanded a bribe: a thousand rupees. Devilal went from one relative to another in a desperate attempt to borrow money. When he failed to raise it, his competitor secured the position.

His brother's application for the position of a security guard in the Secretariat at Gandhinagar also fell through. The people in charge hired their relatives, and Devilal's brother, without any connections in the right places, didn't even stand a chance.

Later in the mid-eighties, Devilal took up work in an office of Jaiprakash Associates, contractors for the very dam which had uprooted him from his ancestral livelihood. For twelve years, he swept and mopped their office, and served water and tea to the staff who built the dam that had ruined him for good. He was paid Rs.22 a day. How did he manage household expenses? "You have to eat less", he answers simply. "Grain, tea and oil cost money." This from a man, whose family at one time lived off their own land.

When asked, he animatedly lists nine different crops his father once used to grow. Now Devilal can only grow tur and maize. How did he feel having to sweep and mop floors dirtied by others? "I had to", he replies without hesitation. "What else could I have done?"

Unable to make ends meet with twenty-two rupees a day, Devilal and other employees formed a union, and in the early nineties, demanded a raise. For an entire month, the workers went without wages, waiting patiently for a fair recompense. But life had a cruel twist in store which they could never have imagined. The leader of their union was bribed. The organisation fell apart. Devilal went back to work, serving tea with a straight face. Five years later, he was told there was no work for him. "Sab labour ki chutti kar di", he says. "Kam hi nahin tha."

Back to removing weeds on other people's farms, Devilal now earns a meagre Rs.30 a day for nine hours of exhausting labour. "Everything is so expensive", he complains. "A kilo of oil costs eighty rupees, a kilo of rice costs sixteen. There are six people to eat in my house, with my wife and four daughters. I'm the only one who earns. If I'm late by an hour because of household difficulties or rains, my employer sends me back home. What can I do? I live a very tough life."

Despite the tremendous odds, Devilal is confident that he will manage to survive, a skill he has learnt the hard way. What is eating at him though, is the question of his daughters' future. The responsibility of their marriages weighs heavily on his mind today. Each wedding will cost about half a lakh of rupees, he explains. With less than one acre of land, how is he to raise such a large amount? He has no choice but to mortgage his land for Rs.20,000.

And then, despite his resolute decision, it would be time again for him to return to the city he had fled, this time taking his wife along with him. The couple would have to leave their daughters behind, perhaps at the house of a relative, where they could labour on farms to survive. Taking his young daughters to the city is not safe, he knows. If he earns enough, it would still take him several years to pay back his mortgage.

The risk of losing his only acre of land, along with a life of back-breaking, dehumanising labour, stares Devilal in the face today. His only hope: compensation for the land that was commandeered from him so brutally, and water from the spectacular dam to quench his leftover field. With neither possibility in sight, Devilal must return to a city which glitters with a million lights, yet leaves his life condemned to darkness.

Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2009/nov/
Neeta Deshpande is a freelance writer based in Bangalore. This article is part of a series on uprootment and survival in the Narmada valley. Names of persons in this article have been changed

Lalgarh: Deprived of a peace of life - Soma Mitra

2009-11-25T07:11:00.000-08:00

13 August 2009 - Lalgarh (WFS) - Once a decrepit block of West Bengal, Lalgarh in West Midnapore district has turned into a battlefield. Over the last few months, hundreds of women have taken to the streets shouting slogans as they march in processions of protest.

Why has this happened? Why have ordinary women found it necessary to pick up arms? At one level, Lalgarh is a turf war between the Communist Party India (Marxist), the People's Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCPA) and the insurgent Maoists. At another, it is also about a troubled community fighting for survival and the simple necessities of life, such as potable water and education for their children.

We are deprived of clean drinking water, we are deprived of proper schools and, frankly speaking, the government has done nothing for us. We have no other way but to revolt against the government," says Shashi Murmu, 28, of Mulapara village. Her mother, Tara, 51, who has also taken up arms, adds, "For a long while, we have been deprived of everything. We have decided that from now we will fight the government." There are about 600 families at Mulapara in the Shalboni block of East Midnapore district where the Jindal Special Economic Zone (SEZ) is slated to come up. And almost all the families there highlight the same woes as Shashi and Tara

Surprisingly, the women do not appear scared of any police reaction that their protests may invite. Police atrocity is nothing new for the villagers of these areas, who state that the police indiscriminately pick up villagers whenever there is a Maoist attack. In fact, the men who flee from the villages as soon as combined operations are announced and the women are left to face the wrath of the security forces. While the police claim that they do not generally pick up women for interrogation, people here have no recourse should they find themselves treated harshly and unjustly. They don't have access to legal support, for instance.

Government agencies were shaken once images of women with arms began flooding the media recently. Some weeks ago, the state government decided to send a six-member delegation to assess the actual situation on the ground. The experience of this delegation was a major eye-opener. "I was shocked to see many are yet to get ration cards. People who should rightly have been enlisted as Below the Poverty Line (BPL) are listed as Above Poverty Line (APL)," R D Meena, Secretary, Backward Classes Welfare, a delegate, is reported to have

Says Gouri Mahato of Domahani village, "The panchayat (village council) had assured my family of job cards under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) scheme two years ago but that has not happened till date." The NREGA provides a legal guarantee for 100 days of employment in every financial year to adult members of any rural household willing to do public work-related unskilled manual work for a statutory minimum wage.

Gouri's family had five bighas (One bigha = 0.4 hectare) of land. But the family was forced to sell it off when her mother fell critically ill. The mother had to be taken to a Kolkata hospital for treatment as the Lalgarh health centre had no doctor on duty. So a job card means a great deal to Gouri's family.

But, perhaps, Gouri, with no job card, is better off than Krishna Halder, who was issued a job card under NREGA two years ago. Even though Krishna was lucky enough to have the prized card, she had been issued only 14 days of work over the last two years. In a world where Krishna has to struggle to make ends meet for her family, her job card did not help. The daily struggle of life took its toll on the family. Krishna saw her son joining the PCPA and later on the Maoists before being taken into police custody.

Earlier these villages of West Midnapore district were the stronghold of the CPI(M). However, despite numerous promises and 33 years of Left rule, Lalgarh has yet to get a proper irrigation system and, in the absence of other necessary infrastructure, a large section of people here are still dependent on forest produce for their livelihood.

Take the case of Mohua Baskey, who goes into the forest every day at about five in the morning to collect 'kendu pata' (leaves used to roll tobacco to make indigenous cigarettes or 'beedis'). Her 14-year-old daughter accompanies her on this daily two kilometre walk to the forest to supplement the family's meagre income. The early morning toil and subsequent trip to the market only result in a meager Rs.15 to Rs.20 each day, for their family of four.

One can't help wondering why Mohua is not getting her daughter educated. "There is a school in our locality. Besides, if I allow my daughter to go to school our income would be reduced by half," says Mohua in the matter-of-fact manner. Ironically, every year the government sanctions millions for developmental projects in these backward areas of the state but the fund remains unutilised.

For instance, in the last financial year, Rs.5,000 million was sanctioned for the development of Paschimanchal (western range of the state) Development Affairs. This area is largely under the control of the Maoists and includes parts of West Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia. Only Rs 350 million of this amount has been used till date, according to the state's budget statement of 2009-10.

The people of Lalgarh are heavily dependent on the Public Distribution System (PDS) for their daily nourishment and the government is required to make available PDS supplies of foodgrain at reasonable prices to consumers. But corruption has brought the local PDS system to the verge of collapse.

Take the case of the around 400 families in Gopalpur village, all of whom have ration cards. As these families are listed as BPL they are supposed to get 25 kilograms of rice at a rate of Rs.2.50 a month. However, villagers complain that ration dealers say they are entitled to only 10 kilograms of rice a month. Furthermore, it is said that the ration dealers have not returned to the villagers their ration cards. Hunger now has begun to stalk their lives: Mayarani Hul, 62, of village Amlasoli, recently lost her only son to malnutrition.

Not many perceive the human tragedy that has given rise to the culture of violence that marks Lalgarh today. Even women, who have never been in the forefront of such agitations, have now taken to violence simply to draw attention to the violation of their rights as citizens of this country. (Women's Feature Service) ⊕

Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2009/aug/hrt-lalgarh.htm
Soma Mitra is freelance journalist based in Kolkata

Need to strengthen climate diplomacy -

2009-11-22T05:43:00.000-08:00

25 October 2009 - The mean temperature at global climate negotiations is rising sharply, mirroring the thermometer in many parts of the mostly developing world. The UN Framework Convention Climate Change (UNFCC) has, in a carefully timed release for the forthcoming negotiations over the extension of the Kyoto Protocol in Copenhagen this December, shown how industrial countries have in fact been increasing their emissions.

It says: "Data submitted to the UNFCCC show that greenhouse gas emissions of the 40 industrialised countries that have reporting obligations under the Convention rose by one per cent from 2006 to 2007." Yvo de Boer, Executive Secretary of the UNFCCC, says, "The continuing growth of emissions from industrialised countries remains worrying, despite the expectation of a momentary dip brought about by the global recession. ... The numbers for 2007 underscore ... the urgent need to seal a comprehensive, fair and effective climate change deal in Copenhagen in December."

One of the most unfortunate developments in the build-up to Copenhagen is Western countries' antipathy to India's so-called obduracy in not being pro-active on this issue. Witness a recent article in the Economist, reflecting conservative elite opinion in Europe: "India says that it will accept only a limit on emissions per person that matches rich countries. That is so easily satisfied that it is no condition at all." All very well for the smug condescension of this weekly, but they need to be reminded that the average Indian emits only 1.3 tonnes of carbon dioxide per year, while the world average is 4.4 and the average American is responsible of 20 tonnes per year. What cuts have rich industrial countries accepted in the first place?

Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh's letter to the PM, which the media exposed this week, clearly indicates that India should pull out of the Kyoto Protocol, which the US hasn't ratified, although it has signed the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change along with 190 other countries. The first phase of the protocol, a convention instrument, ends in 2012. He also proposes that India should undertake voluntary cuts without first demanding funding and technology for such actions, as the protocol specifies. The protocol imposes emission cuts only for industrial countries and penalties for violations

All these shifts are in direct contradiction to India's oft-repeated policy of insisting that, as the UN agreements specify, there ought to be 'common but differentiated responsibility' for taking action on mitigating climate change. Indeed, at least during the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 and till recently, India articulated this position on behalf of G77 countries.

New strength to Indian arguments

One reason for the poor international image of India as a deal-breaker is the absence in the public discourse of analysis to bolster India's argument, unlike China which has gone to town with its pledges to cut the carbon-intensity of its economy (though not by how much). A welcome departure in this regard is an "Overview of India's Energy Trends: Low carbon Growth and Development Challenges" bought out by the research and analysis group Prayas in Pune in September, with Indian collaborators in Stanford University and IIT Madras

At the outset, it sets the problem in context: "India's contribution to climate change presents a daunting challenge for development. India is the fourth largest emitter of global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions after China, the United States and Russia, contributing about five per cent of total emissions in 2007. But it is also home to a third of the world's poor ... Even by 2020, with almost a fifth of the world's population, its share is expected to rise to only 7 per cent, according to the International Energy Agency's Reference Scenario. The Indian government has been uncompromising in its aversion to allowing climate considerations to slow its economic growth. Yet, within the country, growth has largely benefited the middle and upper classes, with hundreds of millions remaining in poverty."

Among its main findings:

India's energy-related emissions need to grow to alleviate poverty and raise living standards, but the extent of this need is uncertain. Business-as-usual trends do not favour the poor's development, nor do they sufficiently exploit co-benefit opportunities between climate mitigation and equitable development.

Despite reliance on coal, India is on a low carbon growth path due to low and declining energy intensity, and significant growth in carbon-free electric capacity. Some of the key drivers include high industrial energy prices, energy efficiency improvements in select industries, and inherently low-carbon lifestyle patterns, such as vegetarianism and high use of non-motorized modes and public transportation.

In the near future, the recent trends of declining energy and carbon intensity seem likely to continue. However, they are weakened by unsustainable patterns of development, such as high passenger vehicle growth. Government policies offer mixed support for these trends, for example, with promising initiatives in demand reduction and renewable energy growth on the one hand, but continued neglect of persistent inefficiencies in electricity supply on the other.

It is revealing, to see why India is already pursuing a low-carbon path in comparison to both the US and China:

Renewable energy's share of total electric capacity is more than twice that of the US, and India is among the top five countries in renewable capacity.

India's carbon and energy use per unit of GDP are both already below that of the US and China, and seem to be on a decreasing trend.

India had about 12 vehicles per 1000 people in 2007 compared to over 800 in the US. Bus, rail and non-motorized modes of transportation continue to have the largest share of passenger travel, unlike the US, where substantially more carbon-intensive modes such as private automobiles are dominant.

Industrial electricity tariffs are the highest in the world, on average. Gasoline and diesel prices are higher than those in the US and China, even in market exchange terms.

Indians consume only 1/11th of the meat eaten by an average Chinese and 1/25th of that eaten by an American, implying correspondingly lower greenhouse gas emissions associated with the sector.

In the three sectors Prayas reviewed - industry, transport, and housing - industrial energy intensity is a declining. Energy use in housing and transport were found to have relatively low intensity in comparison to the US, EU and China. This is driven by a number of factors, including structural shifts in the economy towards less energy-intensive activities, and efficiency improvements in energy-intensive industries. Because of the rapid growth of services at a rate well above industry growth and overall GDP, its contribution to the economy has grown from 44 per cent in 1990 to 52 per cent in 2005

If growth in services continues to outpace that of industry," notes Prayas, "energy intensity will continue to decline. Relatively high industrial energy and electricity prices have also disciplined energy growth, resulting in a steady reduction in the energy intensity of industries."

cites how households in India have one-third the energy intensity of American households with the same expenditure - adjusted for purchasing power parity (PPP). The high density of urban spaces forces people to live in small homes, which take less energy to build and to cool. Twenty nine percent of India's urban population lives in homes of less than 540 square feet. Despite growing meat consumption, India's aggregate meat consumption is a mere fraction of that of the US and China. The carbon impacts of the meat industry are known to be significant; the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) estimates that direct and indirect emissions (including land use change) from the livestock sector contribute 18 percent of global emissions

How do all these indices dovetail with India's development dilemmas? Of the 1.2 billion of the world's poor in 2005, over a third live in India, who comprise 40 per cent of the country's population. "Raising the living standards of almost half a billion people to decent levels, let alone to those enjoyed by middle income families, remains a daunting challenge," observes Prayas. Almost half of rural India lives in houses made from biomass, mud or unburned bricks, with little or no sanitation and poor access to drinking water. Over 70 per cent of India's population relies on traditional fuels (such as biomass) to cook.

"Over 40 per cent of India's population lacks electricity access and use kerosene for lighting. Only one-sixth of those using electricity consume over 100 kWh per month, compared to the average US household consumption of over 900 units per month. The per capita consumption of electricity of India at 481 kWh is less than a fifth of the world average of 2596 kWh. Widening access and meeting other development goals will, therefore, entail a substantial increase in generation capacity, even with improvements in utilization efficiency.

India's emissions mirror its average income level. Despite being the second most populous country in the world, India has less than a quarter of carbon dioxide and total greenhouse gas emissions of the leading emitters of the world, China and the United States, in both annual and per capita termsâ€¦ The electric capacity required to provide India's 450 million poor with the basic electricity services share of this minimum is less than 8 per cent of the US electric supply."

Given the common perception that India has a low-cost economy, it may come as somewhat of a surprise to learn that retail prices of petrol (gasoline) in PPP terms have been about more than four times those of the US and almost double of those in China. Diesel prices in PPP terms were about three times those of the US and almost double those of China in 2006. Diesel prices have been on the rise since the government phased out the Administered Price Mechanism (APM), which subsidized diesel, and replaced it with the Market Determined Price Mechanism. Even in market exchange terms, the Super Gasoline prices in India in 2006 were about 1.5 times higher than the US and China prices

It is high time that instead of going on the back foot, as so many of our politicians, experts and negotiators are doing in the climate negotiations, or simply foot-in-mouth, as Jairam Ramesh is guilty of, we should simply make these facts better known, so that we have every reason to be proud that India is already well on the way to a low-carbon path.

Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2009/oct/env-lowcarb.htm

Darryl D'Monte, former Resident Editor of The Times of India in Mumbai, is Chairperson of the Forum of Environmental Journalists of India and founder President of the International Federation of Environmental Journalists

Breaking the silence - Kalpana Sharma

2009-11-22T04:45:00.000-08:00

27 October 2008 - The economy is in meltdown mode and our political parties are in election mode. So even as those who cannot take it anymore are opting out of life altogether, old wounds are being opened again to ignite communal passions, resulting in the loss of life and injury to many who want to live. It is a time when it would be easy to panic, about one’s personal future and about the future of the country.

Yet, even at times of apparent madness, you hear sane voices that remind you that all is not lost; that there are still institutions that understand the silent emergencies that people face in ostensibly normal times.

A recent ruling by the Bombay High Court can be viewed as one of these positive flickers of hope. Unfortunately, despite the relevance of the judges’ comments, the case has had little coverage in the media.

Encouraging observations

In a ruling on a case of sexual harassment against a private sector company, the two-judge bench has made observations that would encourage women who face such problems but are afraid to talk about them.

A woman employee of an Indian company filed the case. She says her superior male colleague subjected her to harassment. Initially, she did not complain, as she was afraid of losing her job. But, she alleges, that the officer posted her out to another project site “for not cooperating” with him. Four years later, when the project failed to take off, all the other women employees were given the option of moving out except her. The harassment also continued.

In 2004, the woman finally complained to the State Women’s Commission and also to the District Collector. She also filed an FIR with the local police station. The women’s commission sent a notice to the company asking it to inquire into the woman’s complaint. The company appointed an enquiry officer, an advocate, to look into the complaint. The latter exonerated the officer against whom the complaint had been made. Within a week of his report, the woman was dismissed from service.

Even then she did not give up and went to the Labour Court and complained about unfair dismissal. The Labour Court upheld her appeal and directed the company to reinstate her last year. The company failed to comply with the Labour Court’s ruling.

If a woman who suffers sexual harassment speaks out, she faces the additional problem of not being employable as other companies might see her as some kind of “trouble-maker”.

The Bombay High Court’s ruling is important for a number of reasons. For one, it reminds us that the law of the land requires that work places where women are employed must institute a committee headed by a woman and consisting of at least 50 per cent of women members and a civil society representative to look into such complaints. In this instance, the company did not do this and instead appointed a single person to inquire into the matter.

Secondly, the case reminds us of the important role that women’s commissions can play in such cases. Women are often afraid to go directly to court. The women’s commission is often the first step. If the woman had not gone to the women’s commission, perhaps her case would never have reached the court. A woman who suffers sexual harassment is in a very lonely place. She is afraid to speak out for fear of losing her job. And if she does, she faces the additional problem of not being employable as other companies might see her as some kind of “trouble-maker”. As a result, most women silently bear harassment and sometimes voluntarily opt out of jobs or positions where they are harassed. The silence ensures that more of this kind of harassment continues.

Constitutional basis

However, even one such case breaks through the shroud of silence. The remarks of the two judges, Justice Ranjana Desai and Justice D Y Chandrachud, remind us of the basis on which the law of sexual harassment was formulated. It recognises women as having the same rights to life and liberty as any Indian citizen. And that to discriminate against them just because of their gender is to actually deny them that right. I quote below a part of the ruling in this case:

“The right to gender equality is intrinsic to the right to life under Article 21 of the Constitution. The right to life comprehends the right to live with dignity. An affront to or the invasion of gender is destructive of the right of every woman to live with dignity. Article 15 of the Constitution, which contains a prohibition inter alia against discrimination by the State on the ground of sex is an emanation of that right. The provisions of the Constitution recognise gender equality as a fundamental right. Gender equality in all its dimensions is a basic human right which is recognised by and embodied in the provisions of the Constitution. The broad sweep of the human right to gender equality traverses every facet of the position of a woman in society. The right comprehends the preservation of the dignity of women. At a basic level, gender equality postulates protection of women against all those practices which invade upon the dignity of being and the privacy of the person. A dignified existence includes the right to earn one’s livelihood in conditions that are fair and gender neutral. A condition which operates to disadvantage a woman worker on the ground of gender is fundamentally anachronistic to the vision of our constitutional order. Gender as a concept has wider dimensions than sex. Gender equality postulates the realisation of societal values that travel beyond a mere notion of sexual equality. Gender in that sense denotes the realisation of every facet of personality that contributes to the fullness of life to which a woman is entitled.”
“Gender equality traverses every facet of the position of a woman in a society”. That is the key sentence. This is what women must hold on to and believe in as they fight for their rights as citizens. ⊕

Kalpana Sharma has been Chief of the Mumbai Bureau and Deputy Editor with The Hindu. Her opinions, which appear in a regular column with The Hindu, are concurrently published in India Together with permission.

Mothers and motherhood

2009-11-22T04:39:00.000-08:00

It is indeed ironic that in a society where motherhood is virtually deified, we pay so little attention to making sure that women don't die in the process of becoming mothers, writes Kalpana Sharma.

29 January 2009 - In the recent Hollywood film directed by Clint Eastwood, Changeling, actress Angelina Jolie plays the role of Christine Collins, a telephone operator in Los Angeles, California, whose nine-year-old son, Walter, disappears while she is at work. The story, set in the 1920s, brings out not just the callousness of the police department, who refuse to investigate for 24 hours insisting that the child will turn up, but also the attitude of the police towards single mothers like Christine.

When another boy is produced after a few months, and she refuses to accept that he is her son because she can clearly see that he is not, she is told by the police that she is purposely not accepting the child because she has got used to her 'freedom' from motherhood. She is also accused of being a bad mother for having left her child alone in the house. In today's America, it is unlikely that any police department would go on record with such outrageous statements even if individual policemen might still think along these lines.

The film reminds us of the constant challenge that women face as they shoulder the primary responsibility of motherhood. In our context in India, it is also a reminder that just the process of becoming mothers, of producing children, is fraught with grave risk for millions of women.

Last fortnight, several newspapers carried stories on this reality on their front pages. The unlikely stories about maternal mortality, given that such news rarely merits any serious attention from the media, was prompted by the release of UNICEF's 2009 State of the World's Children report. Amongst other facts, the report reminded us that 1500 women die every day in the world due to complications arising during pregnancy and childbirth. The chances of a woman in developing countries dying before or during childbirth are 300 times greater than for a woman in an industrialised country like the U.S. Such a gap does not exist in any other social indicator.

Dismal scene

The largest number of maternal deaths in the world is in South Asia. In India alone, an estimated 141,000 women die each year during pregnancy or childbirth. This is a result of a variety of factors: child marriages where girls give birth before their bodies are ready; poverty and poor nutrition that results in high levels of anaemia in pregnant women; unsafe abortions by women who are unable to access legal facilities; unattended deliveries; often in unhygienic conditions, leading to infections and complications; and unavailability of affordable healthcare post delivery to ensure that the mother and child pull through the first hours and days.

One of the abiding mysteries of our country is why, when our growth rate is still reasonably high despite the global recession, is our progress so slow in ensuring that millions of women do not die in the process of something as routine as giving birth.

The solution has been known for years. The problem is the will to make it work. We also know that the solution would benefit everyone, not just women. Yet, affordable and accessible health care, for instance, has not received the thrust that is needed. Despite efforts to increase the number of women who can have trained help during delivery, one in every four women in India who was pregnant or delivered a child received absolutely no care in the last five years. The chances of such women developing complications, and even dying in the process, are extremely high.

The UNICEF report underlines the need to improve not just health delivery but many other aspects of living that would benefit the larger community. For instance, the absence of safe water and sanitation has a direct impact on poor women who are pregnant. Even if they survive the pregnancy and childbirth, they risk infection and even death because of the conditions in which they live and deliver.

The UNICEF report contains little that is not already known. But one of the important points it emphasises is the importance of creating what it calls a "supportive environment" for maternal and newborn health ...

"Creating a supportive environment for maternal and newborn health requires challenging the social, economic and cultural barriers that perpetuate gender inequality and discrimination. This involves several key actions: educating women and girls and reducing the poverty they experience; protecting them from abuse, exploitation, discrimination and violence; fostering their participation and their involvement in household decision-making and economic and political life; and empowering them to demand their rights and essential services for themselves and their children. Greater involvement of men in maternal and newborn health care and in addressing gender discrimination and inequalities is also critical to establishing a supportive environment."

Cultural issue

What this underlines is that reducing maternal mortality is not just a technical matter - that of providing enough trained help for women during delivery, or access to healthcare during pregnancy. It also means taking steps that would make our society as a whole more just and humane, where poverty will not exclude you from access to education and health, where gender will not deny you the right to participate in economic and political affairs, and where being a woman will be equivalent to being a human being who has rights and is valued by society.

It is indeed ironic that in a society where 'motherhood' is virtually deified, we pay so little attention to making sure that women don't die in the process of becoming mothers.

Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2009/jan/ksh-mother.htm

Kalpana Sharma has been Chief of the Mumbai Bureau and Deputy Editor with The Hindu. Her opinions, which appear in a regular column with The Hindu, are concurrently published in India Together with permission.

Abortion law's grey zone: retarded mothers -Kamayani Bali Mahabal

2009-11-22T04:32:00.000-08:00

Abortion law's grey zone: retarded mothers

The SC recently ruled that a 19-year-old Chandigarh-based mentally retarded girl must be allowed to carry on her pregnancy that was caused by sexual assault. The verdict throws open more questions than it answers, writes Kamayani Bali Mahabal.

14 August 2009 - Mumbai (WFS) - In India, a disabled girl-child is usually at the receiving end of a lot of contempt and neglect. Women with disabilities have been consistently denied their rights. In a landmark decision, the Supreme Court (SC) of India recently allowed a 19-year-old mentally challenged orphan girl to carry on with a pregnancy resulting from a sexual assault. The Punjab and Haryana High Court ruling had earlier ordered medical termination of pregnancy (MTP).

Giving the facts of the case, Advocate Colin Gonsalves who had argued for abortion in this case, said that the girl, who was kept at Nari Niketan, Chandigarh, a government institution for destitute women, was raped some time in March 2009 on the premises by the security guards. In May 2009, the pregnancy was detected. The media widely reported the rape but no institution or individual came forward in the woman's support.

"The SC judgment has focused more on pro-life arguments and the rights of the child," states Bhargavi Davar, who heads the Bapu Trust in Pune.

In the same month the Director of the Government Medical College and Hospital constituted a three-member board comprising a psychiatrist, a clinical psychologist and a special educator to evaluate the woman's mental status. Their report did not suggest anything out of the ordinary except that "she also cries almost daily". The board found her mental age to be nine years and placed her in the category of mild mental retardation.

A few days later, a four-doctor Multi Disciplinary Medical Board was constituted, which included a psychiatrist. It recommended an MTP. The Punjab and Haryana High Court ultimately went on the basis of these reports. The second one concluded that: "the continuation of pregnancy in this case can be associated with certain complications considering her age, mental status and previous surgery. There are increased chances of abortion... pre-maturity... foetal distress and more chances of operative delivery including anaesthetic complications."

The committees concluded that the woman "has adequate physical capacity to bear and raise the child but that her mental health can be further affected by the stress of bearing and raising her child."

This case thus raised fundamental issues relating to consent and to the support required while assessing consent. Eventually most mentally challenged women will, if properly supported, be able to indicate whether they wish to abort the pregnancy or proceed with it, concludes Gonsalves.

Shampa Sengupta, Director of the Sruti Disability Centre in Kolkata, says that if the woman wants to keep the baby she should be allowed to do so. "We as civil society must take the responsibility of supporting her. How can we forget the UN Rights of Persons with Disabilities Convention?" she asks.

Sengupta, who has worked on disability for the last 10 years, adds, "How can we say her choice is not valid? Because the doctors say so? If you or I do not consider the doctor's word as final, why should this young girl? Also, why is it that no one is talking about the rapists and how Nirmala Niketan came to have male employees?"

According to Bhargavi Davar, whether a mentally challenged woman has the 'capacity' to take care of the child is a question riddled with prejudices and stereotypes. Pic: WFS.

"The SC judgment has focused more on pro-life arguments and the rights of the child," states Bhargavi Davar, who heads the Bapu Trust in Pune, an organisation devoted to challenging the mindset and practices of the Indian mental health establishment. She points out that several women's organisations have responded to this judgment by focusing on women's rights and the right to abortion.

But nowhere in this dialogue between the state and civil society has the issue of reproductive rights and sexuality in the context of psychosocial and mental disability been discussed.

Many state institutions for women living with a mental disabilities, with the co-operation of families, routinely sterilise, abort or give the child away for adoption without the consent of the mother. Many women's organisations and NGOs that provide care have an equally problematic custodial outlook towards such persons. Argues Davar, "In this case, we have not heard the woman's voice anywhere, while we have several third party arbitrations and advocacy. We do not know what the woman wants. Whether the mentally challenged woman has the 'capacity' to take care of the child is another question riddled with prejudices and stereotypes."

In the 1990s at Sirur, Maharashtra, 17 mentally challenged girls below 18 years were peremptorily hysterectomised. The state chose to control the girls' reproductive rights by deploying extreme measures. The professionals involved in that decision neither denied that hysterectomies were done, nor did they perceive them as a violation. They justified them as having been done in the best interests of the girls.

Dr Anant Phadke from Pune who filed a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) on the issue, says that case is still on. In January 2009, the state filed an affidavit stating "Mentally retarded adolescent girls or adult women have no sense of hygiene during menstruation." Shockingly, this is the prime reason given by the government for backing the controversial decision. Justifying its move, the government stated that, unlike stools or urine, menstrual flow is continuous and lasts up to at least 100 hours a month.

It added that caregivers find it difficult to deal with inmates who are uncooperative; and that poor hygiene can lead to infection and laceration on thighs and genitals and that increased flow can cause anaemia. Behavioural problems and psychotic symptoms also cause difficulties for care-givers.

All that is needed to perform the operation is the consent of the parent/guardian and certification from a psychiatrist and gynaecologist that hysterectomy is needed.

"We are challenging these guidelines," says advocate Anand Grover adding that the hysterectomies were performed for the convenience of the institute, to prevent pregnancy in case of sexual abuse and not for the woman's welfare. The government had no authority to conduct a hysterectomy on mentally disabled women and such a move violates the fundamental rights of such women and the provisions of the Mental Health Act.

Advocate Shruti Pandey, a Delhi-based human rights lawyer feels this case was not about abortion per se, it was about whether law recognises and protects the agency of woman. Pic: WFS.

Shruti Pandey, a human rights lawyer from Delhi, admits that this is a case that is "so grey". Says Pandey, "To my mind, this case was not about abortion per se, it was about whether the law of this country recognises and protects the agency of a woman to take decisions for her life and body, especially all its nuances when the woman is a person with mental retardation (MR) or any other disability."

Legally, this case showed - which the HC also noted in detail in its first order - that the Medical Termination Of Pregnancy (MTP) Act does not deal with access to abortion of women with MR, and that it wrongly distinguishes between women with mental retardation and mental illness, leaving the former out totally. Also that the Act does not understand that both these kinds of women are more likely than not to be destitute, in which case guardianship is not that simple.

Clarifies Pandey, "If the SC has said this woman wants to go ahead with the pregnancy, in principle I would support the decision. Every woman has a right to bear children, including women with mental disabilities. But if the court says it is the right of child to be born/not to be killed, and so the pregnancy must go on, that is hugely problematic. In any case, if the SC says no MTP, I would like to see what support mechanism it relies upon, institutionally, and not merely on the assurances and hyperbole of individuals and NGOs. I would also like this decision then to lead to the state's accountability for creating and sustaining comprehensive and reliable support systems for all persons with disabilities, within a rights framework. This is definitely an obligation under Article 12 of the UN Rights of Persons with Disabilities Convention, which India is totally ill-equipped to deliver on, as this case shows."

This case indicates eloquently that the Indian legal framework has to be strengthened a great deal to bring it in line with international legislation. (Women's Feature Service)

Reference : http://www.indiatogether.org/2009/aug/wom-mtpcase.htm
Kamayani Bali Mahabal is an advocate and women's activist based in Mumbai.

Environment Ministry for indigenous research on glaciers

2009-11-12T22:02:00.000-08:00

After depending all these years on the West for data on glaciers in the country, the Environment Ministry has initiated an ambitious indigenous scientific research to determine and monitor their health.

“So far we have been depending on research conducted by the West on what is happening to our glaciers and environment. There is an urgent need to have our own studies by our scientists, which has so far been lacking,” Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh said recently.

He said only about 10 glaciers have been studied at all and long-term temperature data is available only in Srinagar.

“But we need them in Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Sikkim, Arunanchal Pradesh and other Himalayan States. We have sanctioned Rs 3 crore for setting up 15 new weather stations with the help of the Almora-based GB Pant Institute of Himalayan Environment and Development,” Mr. Ramesh said.

Each station will cost Rs 20 lakh.

The ministry is also working with the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) for satellite mapping of various glaciers on which Rs 8 crore will be spent in three years.

Mr. Ramesh said that around Rs 4 crore will be spent on TERI Institute for Black Carbon study and its impact on glaciers.

“We have got a concrete proposal from the TERI for study on soot (also known as black carbon) to be conducted by eminent scientists V. Ramanathan and Syed Hasnain, who are strong proponents of carbon soot impact on glaciers,” Mr. Ramesh said.

According to a study by Mr. Ramanathan, black carbon has accelerated the melting of glaciers, which feed the rivers of more than half the world.

The soot both absorbs heat while in the atmosphere and decreases the Earth’s reflectivity when it settles on otherwise white glaciers, he claims.

However, Mr. Ramesh said that black carbon reduction efforts should not be linked to the ongoing U.N. climate negotiations.

He also stressed on appointing more talented and capable scientists for the purpose.

Reference : Hindu

E waste

2009-11-07T00:46:00.000-08:00

New Delhi : Sporting a new Mobile phone may be fashioned in these well connected times, but the discarded old handset could poison the environment as a whopping 8000 Tonnes of Cellphone waste is eliminated to burden the earth by 2012. As per a white paper by Global Consultancy Deloitee, There is a growing need to better manage the rising cell phone waste as it is posing a threat to Environment.

Replacament Sales predict that more cellphones would be retired every year with rapid changes in Technology and Product design discouraging mobile repairs and increasing demand for new mobiles abd disposal of old ones

" With the absence of proper recycle and reuse program about 8000 tonnes of toxic cell phone components are estimated to be dumped into land fills by 2012"

The resulting contanimation will have far reaching consequences for the environment and all living biegns". Said Parag Saigaonkar, Regional MD, Deloitte Consulting India.

Source : HT, Press Trust Of India

हाशिए को हुकूमत नहीं - सुधीर

2009-11-07T00:27:00.000-08:00

झारखंड एकमात्र प्रदेश है जहां 31 सालों से पंचायत चुनाव नहीं हुए हैं। 2001 में ही बने दो अन्य राज्यों छत्तीसगढ़ और उत्तराखंड में अब तक तीन बार पंचायती राज निकायों का गठन हो चुका है और गांव स्तर पर सशक्तीकरण की प्रक्रिया जोर पकड़ी हुई है। ग्रामीण सहभागिता पर आधारित विकास के कई मॉडल भी इन राज्यों में देखने को मिल जायेंगे। इन राज्यों में सत्ता के विकेन्द्रीकरण से स्थानीय संसाधनों के दोहन में पारदर्शिता, सहभागिता और परिसंपत्तियों के बंटवारे में एक हद तक समता और समानता के कई उदाहरण देखे जा सकते हैं।

पंचायती राज और स्थानीय निकायों के गठन में झारखंड में राजनैतिक चेतना और राजनीतिक इच्छाशक्ति दोनों का अभाव रहा है। राज्य की सत्ता में काबिज और विपक्ष में भी बैठने वाले ज्यादातर जनप्रतिनिधियों की धारणा है कि विकेन्द्रीकरण से भ्रष्टाचार बढ़ेगा। यह सामान्य मान्यता है कि कोई भी व्यक्ति या निकाय अपने बाद सत्ता के विकेन्द्रीकरण को अपनाना नहीं चाहता है। विकेन्द्रीकरण से अंततः केन्द्रीकृत शक्तियों पर जन दबाव बढ़ता है और इसी वजह से पंचायती राज चुनाव राजनीतिक दलों के एजेण्डे में रहा ही नहीं।

राजनीतिक दलों के पास बहाना है कि चूंकि मामला सुप्रीम कोर्ट में लंबित है इसलिए चुनाव नहीं कराये जा सकते हैं। जबकि वस्तुस्थिति यह है कि न तो झारखंड हाईकोर्ट और न ही सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने राज्य में पंचायती राज चुनाव कराने पर रोक लगायी है। कोर्ट की चिंता झारखंड पंचायती राज एक्ट में विद्यमान विसंगतियों को लेकर रही और कोर्ट की मान्यता है कि सरकार चाहे तो विसंगतियां दूर कर चुनाव करा ले। झारखंड उच्च न्यायालय ने 2006 अगस्त के आदेश में कहा कि सामान्य क्षेत्र में त्रिस्तरीय पंचायती राज में महिलाओं के लिए 33 फीसदी आरक्षण की व्यवस्था नहीं है और यह गैर संवैधानिक है। कोर्ट अनुसूचित क्षेत्र में शत-प्रतिशत आरक्षण को भी गैर कानूनी मानता है। झारखंड में 73वें संवैधानिक संशोधन और 1996 के पेसा एक्ट के आलोक में क्रमशः सामान्य और अनुसूचित क्षेत्रों के लिए झारखंड पंचायत राज एक्ट 2001 बनाये गये हैं।
राज्य सरकार या राजनैतिक दलों की प्राथमिकता में यदि पंचायती राज होता तो कम से कम सामान्य क्षेत्र में तो महिलाओं के लिए आरक्षण की व्यवस्था कर चुनाव करवाये ही जा सकते थे। अनुसूचित क्षेत्र में कानून बनाने या संशोधन करने में राज्य सरकार की भूमिका सीमित है। चूंकि पेसा केंद्रीय कानून है और पेसा के तहत उपलब्ध आरक्षण की व्यवस्था को खारिज करने का या इसमें संशोधन करने का अधिकार राज्य सरकार को नहीं है। राज्य में लगभग 4200 पंचायत हैं। इसमें से 2000 पंचायत सामान्य क्षेत्र में और बाकी अनुसूचित क्षेत्र में हैं।

यदि राज्य में पंचायत चुनाव हो जाते तो ग्रामीण अभिशासन में एक क्रांतिकारी बदलाव की शुरुआत होती। 4200 पंचायतों का मतलब लगभग 46 हजार जन प्रतिनिधियों का सामाजिक-आर्थिक-राजनैतिक विकास में सीधा हस्तक्षेप। इसका सकारात्मक असर राज्य की राजनीति पर पड़ेगा। जनता और आम लोगों के सवालों से कट कर की जाने वाली राजनीति के लिए जगह कम होगी। झारखंड पंचायती राज स्वशासन समन्वय समिति ने 2005 में एक अध्ययन में पाया था कि राज्य में पंचायत चुनाव नहीं होने से लगभग 2500 करोड़ रुपए केन्द्र से राज्य को प्राप्त नहीं हो पाये थे। यह आंकड़ा अभी 8000 करोड़ रुपये के आसपास पहुंच गया है। चूंकि पंचायती राज व्यवस्था होने के बाद ग्रामीण विकास के विभिन्न घटकों की कुल बजट का लगभग 60 फीसदी सीधे पंचायतों द्वारा ही खर्च किये जाने का प्रावधान है। 2008-09 वित्तीय वर्ष मेें राज्य सरकार ने 5000 करोड़ रुपए लैप्स किये। राशियों के लैप्स होने से अंततः गरीब जनता का हक ही मारा गया।

पंचायत चुनाव होने से ब्यूरोक्रेसी की मकड़जाल भी थोड़ी कम होती क्योंकि ज्यादातर कार्यक्रमों में योजना बनाने से लेकर लागू करने और अनुश्रवण का अधिकार ग्रामसभाओं और पंचायतों को ही होता। अभी राज्य में लगभग आधे शहरी निकायों का गठन हो गया है। क्या बदलाव आया है? रांची नगर निगम में 50 हजार से ज्यादा की योजनाओं के लिए निगम के मुख्य कार्यकारी पदाधिकारी को पार्षदों की सहमति के लिए बाट जोहना पड़ता है। यह एक तरह का संतुलन है जो ब्यूरोक्रेसी को जनता के प्रति उत्तरदायी बनाने को बाध्य करता है। चुने हुए प्रतिनिधियों को तो हर पांच साल में जनता के बीच जाना ही है। ज्यादातर मामले में प्रनिनिधि जनता के प्रति स्वतः वफादारी निभाते ही हैं।

स्वास्थ्य सेवाओं की सामुदायिक निगरानी - युगेष्वर राम

2009-11-07T00:12:00.000-08:00

राष्ट्रीय ग्रामीण स्बास्थ्य मिशन के तहत स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं वंचितों तक पहुंचाने और स्वास्थ्य की स्थितियों में गुणात्मक सुधार के लिए सामुदायिक निगरानी की व्यवस्था की गयी है. समुदाय को जागरूक करने और इस दिषा में पहल करने में स्वयंसेवी संस्थान की भी सराहनीय भूमिका रही है. यह कार्यक्रम प्रारंभिक चरण में देष के नौ राज्यों में संचालित है, जिसमें झारखण्ड भी शामिल है. इसके तहत झारखण्ड के तीन जिलों पलामू, पष्चिम सिंहभूम और हजारीबाग के नौ प्रखण्डों के कुल 135 गांवों में यह सी.बी.एम. कार्यक्रम के नाम से संचालित है.

पलामू जिले के लेस्लीगंज, चैनपुर एवं पाटन प्रखण्ड के 45 गांवों में स्वयंसेवी संस्थान आईडीएफ इस कार्यक्रम का संचालन कर रहे हैं. इस कार्यक्रम के सफल संचालन हेतु समुदाय आधारित निगरानी समिति बनाये गये हैं. इस निगरानी समिति में प्रत्येक गांव से तीन महिलाओं और तीन पुरुषों को जोड़ा गया है. पलामू जिले के तीन प्रखण्डों के पंद्रह गांवों में 90 सीबीएम टीम का गठन किया गया है.

समुदाय आधारित निगरानी समिति का तात्पर्य है कि जो भी योजनाएं चल रही हैं, उसके विषय में जानना, समझना और उसके क्रियान्वयन में अपनी भूमिका निभाना. साथ ही अपने क्षेत्र की जरूरतों के अनुरूप योजना बनाना, ताकि स्थानीय निवासी उन योजनाओं से लाभान्वित हो सकें. खासकर स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं सभी ग्रामीणों को मुहैया हो सके, स्वास्थ्य की वर्तमान स्थितियों में सुधार हो. इसके लिए ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के सदस्यों के साथ मिलकर इस अभियान को गति दी जा रही है, किन्तु इस कार्य में सबसे बड़ी बाधा ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का सही रूप में न होना है. ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का गठन तब किया गया, जब सहिया चुनाव की बारी आयी.

चैनपुर प्रखण्ड के देवनीस तिर्की बताते हैं कि यदि सहिया का चुनाव नहीं होता तो ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति भी अस्तित्व में नहीं आता. वे बताते हैं कि दिसम्बर 2007 में सहिया का चुनाव कराने की बात हुई और सहिया का चुनाव ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के सदस्यों को करना था, तब ग्रामसभा की बैठक बुलाई गयी. उसी समय सभी गांवों में ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का गठन हुआ और तुरंत सहिया का चुनाव भी किया गया. इसके बाद ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के सदस्य यह भूल गये कि यह समिति आखिर बनी क्यों है?

अगर इस पर गौर करें तो इसके पीछे जो सबसे बड़ा कारण है वह है, झारखण्ड में पंचायत चुनाव का न होना. जब तक पंचायत चुनाव संपन्न नहीं होता है तब तक झारखण्ड में चल रही किसी भी योजना के सफलतापूर्वक क्रियान्वयन में संदेह है. गौर करें तो गांव के विकास और ग्रामीणों को आवष्यक सुविधाएं उपलब्ध कराने में पंचायत के तहत आठ समितियों का महत्वपूर्ण योगदान है, किन्तु पंचायत चुनाव के अभाव में अन्य योजनाओं के साथ ही नरेगा जैसे रोजगारोन्मुखी कार्यक्रम और ग्रामीणों को बेहतर स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं उपलब्ध कराने वाले एन.आर.एच.एम. कार्यक्रम लड़खड़ा रहे हैं. पंचायत चुनाव होने के पष्चात ही स्वास्थ्य की निगरानी में भूमिका अदा करने वाली समिति ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का महत्व देखने को मिल सकता है.

फिर भी सामुदायिक निगरानी समिति ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति और ग्रामीणों के साथ मिलकर स्वास्थ्य की वर्तमान स्थितियों का अवलोकन कर रही है, जिसके लिए प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र और उप स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र स्तर पर सर्वे रिपोर्ट तैयार की गयी है. इस रिपोर्ट के माध्यम से स्वास्थ्य की वर्तमान सचाई जब सामने आया, तो स्वास्थ्यकर्मियों की बीच कौतूहल है. लेकिन ये सब कुछ इतना आसान भी नहीं था. निगरानी दल गठित करते समय कई कठिनाइयों का सामना करना पड़ा. आई.डी.एफ. के प्रखण्ड समन्वयक सुमित कुमार बताते हैं कि जब सीबीएम टीम का गठन करना था, उस समय ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के जो सदस्य थे उन्हें जानकारी नहीं थी कि ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति का कार्य क्या है, जिसके कारण सी.बी.एम. टीम के गठन में काफी परेषानी हुई. ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति के सदस्यों का कहना था कि पहले ग्राम स्वास्थ्य समिति और सहिया का चुनाव किया गया है उसे कार्यरूप दें, तभी किसी तरह का विचार वे करेंग. लेकिन जब उन्हें समझाया गया कि हम चुनाव के पीछे न जायें, बल्कि जो चुनाव हो चुके हैं, वह सही रूप से कैसे काम करें उस पर ज्यादा सोचें.

अंतत: लोग सहमत हुए और निगरानी दल का चुनाव हुआ, जिसमें प्रत्येक गांव से तीन महिलाओं और तीन पुरुषों का चयन किया गया. इस प्रक्रिया के दौरान समुदाय आधारित निगरानी दल के द्वारा सर्वे प्रपत्र तैयार कर ग्राम, उप स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र और प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र स्तर पर निगरानी प्रक्रिया पूरी की गयी. ग्राम स्तर पर निगरानी दल की यह निगरानी प्रक्रिया पांच तरह से की गयी जिसमें दलित एवं सामान्य महिलाओं के साथ बैठक कर स्वास्थ्य के विषय में जानकारी ली गयी और पिछले छ: माह में प्रसूति गृह पहुंची महिलाओं का साक्षात्कार भी लिया गया. इस साक्षात्कार के दौरान यह जानने का प्रयास किया गया कि उनको एन.एन.एम., सहिया और आंगनबाड़ी केन्द्र से किस तरह के लाभ मिले हैं. साथ ही आम बैठकर कर पूरे समुदाय से स्वास्थ्य योजनाओं एवं वर्तमान स्वास्थ्य व्यवस्था पर चर्चा की गयी. स्वास्थ्य उप केन्द्र स्तर पर भी सर्वे-प्रपत्र के आधार पर ए.एन.एम. से साक्षात्कार लिया गया और उप स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र पर चिकित्सा सामान की उपलब्धता की जानकारी ली गयी. इसके बाद प्रखण्ड स्तर पर चिकित्सा पदाधिकारी एवं स्वास्थ्य कार्र्यकत्ताओं से भी जानकारी ली गयी. यहां तक कि निगरानी दल द्वारा प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र के प्रयोगषाला, एम्बुलेंस और अस्पताल प्रबंधन के विषय में विस्तृत सर्वे किया गया. इस प्रक्रिया के दौरान स्वास्थ्य सेवाओं की अनुपलब्धता और स्वास्थ्यकर्मियों की अनुपस्थिति के साथ ही संस्थागत प्रसव को बढ़ावा देने वाली योजना 'जननी सुरक्षा योजना' में भी काफी अनियमितता देखने को मिली. सीबीएम टीम के द्वारा सर्वे प्रक्रिया पूरी करने और लोक संवाद के बाद जहां ग्रामीणों में स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं पाने के लिए जागरूकता बढ़ी हैं, वहीं स्वास्थ्यकर्मियों के रवैये में बदलाव कुछ हद तक देखने को मिल रहा है. स्वास्थ्य की स्थिति में सुधार के लिए स्वास्थ्य व्यवस्था में सुधार और प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र और उप स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र के भवन की बदतर स्थिति में सुधार के साथ ही आवष्यक चिकित्सा सुविधा उपलब्ध कराये जाने की जरूरत है. अगर इसी तरह सामुदायिक निगरानी की प्रक्रिया जारी रही, तो नि:संदेह राष्ट्रीय ग्रामीण स्वास्थ्य मिषन वंचितों को स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं उपलब्ध कराने में सफल हो पायेगा.

विधानसभा चुनाव 2005 - कांग्रेस को मिली एक करोड़ में एक सीट - सुधीर पाल

2009-11-05T01:52:00.000-08:00

2005 के विधानसभा चुनाव में मात्र 12 लाख 498 वोट जुटाने और 9 सीटें हासिल करने के लिए कांग्रेस पार्टी को ढ़ाई करोड़ से ज्यादा रुपए खर्च करने पड़े। यह खर्च पार्टी के प्रदेश कार्यालय द्वारा किये गये। इसमें 41 सीटों पर खड़े प्रत्याशियों के खर्च शामिल नहीं हैं। कांग्रेस पार्टी ने 41 प्रत्याशियों को चुनाव लड़ने के लिए एक करोड़ 87 लाख रुपए दिये थे। 41 प्रत्याशियों के खर्च की अधिकतम वैधानिक सीमा 15 लाख को ही जोड़ दी जाए तो यह राशि लगभग 9 करोड़ के आसपास आती है। यानी कांग्रेस को एक सीट लाने के लिए लगभग एक करोड रुपये खर्च करने पड़े। 2005 चुनाव में कांग्रेस को कुल मतों का 12.05 फीसदी हिस्सा मिला और केवल 41 सीटों की बात करें तो मतों का प्रतिशत लगभग 22.74 रहा। भाजपा, झामुमो के बाद कांग्रेस तीसरे नंबर पर रही।

कांग्रेस पार्टी के खर्च के ब्यौरे के मुताबिक पार्टी नेताओं द्वारा चुनाव प्रचार के लिए हेलीकाप्टर तो इस्तेमाल किये गये लेकिन झारखंड के हिस्से में कितना खर्च आया, यह ब्यौरा उपलब्ध नहीं है। बिहार, झारखंड और हरियाणा विधानसभा चुनाव के लिए कांग्रेस ने पवन हंस हेलीकाप्टर और ए.सी. एयरवेज, दिल्ली को क्रमश: एक करोड़ 87 लाख 63 हजार तथा 81 लाख 861 रुपए का भुगतान किया है।

चुनावी चंदे के मामले में कांग्रेस का प्रदर्शन औसत रहा। उपलब्ध ब्यौरे के मुताबिक 2005 विधानसभा चुनाव की अधिसूचना जारी होने और चुनाव खत्म होने तक तक कांग्रेस प्रदेश कार्यालय को मात्र 60 लाख 52 हजार 946 रुपए ही चंदे मिले। चंदा नकद इकट्ठा किये गये और 20 हजार से ज्यादा चंदा देने वालों की संख्या शून्य रही। जन प्रतिनिधित्व कानून के मुताबिक राजनीतिक दलों को 20 हजार से ज्यादा चंदा देने वालों की सूचना चुनाव आयोग तथा आयकर विभाग को उपलब्ध करानी पड़ती है। चेक या डिमांड ड्राफ्ट से चंदा देने या लेने की जहमत नहीं उठायी गयी। इस चंदे में पार्टी प्रत्याशियों द्वारा उगाहे गये चंदे शामिल नहीं हैं।

हिसाब-किताब में कांग्रेस ने नकद-नारायण का ही इस्तेमाल किया। सारे खर्चे कैश में किये गये, न चेक का झंझट और न ही ड्राफ्ट के पचडे। पर्चे, पोस्टर, अखबारों में विज्ञापन, होर्डिंग, कटआउट, बैनर, फ्लैक्स सभी खर्चें का भुगतान विभिन्न एजेंसियों को नकद ही किया गया। प्रचार में कांग्र्रेस ने मात्र 11 लाख 97 हजार 841 रुपए ही खर्च किये। चुनाव प्रचार के दौरान पार्टी नेताओं और कार्यकर्ताओं के खाने-पीने, घूमने-फिरने और मौज-मस्ती का पूरा ख्याल रखा गया। इस मद में पार्टी की ओर से लगभग 22 लाख रुपए खर्च किये गये। हवाई यात्रा से परहेज किया गया और इस मद में मात्र 9218 रुपए खर्च हुए। पार्टी या प्रत्याशियों के शुभचिंतकों को स्वतंत्रता दी गयी थी कि वे चाहें तो हवाई यात्रा कर सकते हैं। चूंकि कांग्रेस पार्टी या किसी राजनीतिक दल के वश में नहीं है कि वे 'अपने चाहने वालों' को चुनाव में खर्च करने से रोके।

पार्टी ने चुनाव बजट का लगभग 15 फीसदी जनसभाओं और रैलियों पर खर्च किया। दोनों कार्यक्रमों के लिए पार्टी ने लगभग 27 लाख रुपए लुटाये। कुल मिलाकर लगभग एक करोड़ में एक सीट, सौदा महंगा है क्या?

(लेखक नेशनल इलेक्शन वॉच के राज्य समन्वयक हैं। )

National and Jharkhand Election Watch Presents Nagrik Charter on 1st of November At the an Civil Society and Political Parties Interface

2009-11-05T00:26:00.000-08:00

Jharkhand at a Glance

Jharkhand spreads tantalizingly over Chotanagpur plateau and Santhal Pargana. It is a land endowed with rare natural gifts. This homeland of tribal is full of stunning landscapes, majestic mountains, verdant valleys, serpentine rivers, wonderful waterfalls, lush green forests and exotic wildlife.

Jharkhand was created as the 28th state of the Indian Union with effect from 15th November 200O. The 28th state of the Indian Union was brought into existence by the Bihar reorganization Act on November 15, 2000 - the birth anniversary of the legendary Bhagwan Birsa Munda.

The state is inhabited by colorful tribal and village folk. The main tribes include Baiga, Bhatudih, Bedia, Bhimiz, Binjhiya, chero,chick badaik,Gond,Gorail,Ho,Karmali,Khariya,Kharwar,Khand,Kisan, Kora, Lohra, Mahil, Uraon, Santhal. The minor tribes include Asur, Birhor, Virajiya, Pahariya, and Mal Pahariya, Sauriya Pahariya, Hil Kharia, Sabar Korwa and Munda.

Jharkhand is famous for its rich mineral resources like Uranium, Mica, Bauxite, Granite, Gold, Silver, Graphite, Magnetite, Dolomite, Fireclay, Quartz, Fieldspar, Coal (32% of India), Iron, Copper (25%of India) etc. Forests and woodlands occupy more than 29% of the state which is amongst the highest in India. Jharkhand's gross state domestic product for 2004 is estimated at $14 billion at current prices. Born out of partition from old Bihar state in 2000, Jharkhand produces about 70% of the output of the old Bihar state. Since it is rich in minerals.

Jharkhand's gross state domestic product for 2004 is estimated at $14 billion at current prices. Born out of partition from old Bihar state in 2000, Jharkhand produces about 70% of the output of the old Bihar state. Since it is rich in minerals, the state per capita income is likely to increase in the coming years.

Agriculture

Agriculture is one of the main sources of income for the people of the state . Jharkhand has afertile soil and abundant water for inrigation. The main agricultutal products are Maize, Bazra, Til oil , seeds , vegetables and fruits. There is also a lare scope of producing Jute, Hemp, Sisal and other fabrics to boost the state economy. There is also a large potntial of tea cultivation, floriculture and horticulture in the state for exports.

The requirements of fruits, vegetables, and flowers, medicinal and aromatic plants are met by the local production of the state and these items are even exported to the deficient areas.

Favorable agro-climatic conditions allow round-the-year production of different varieties & "off-season" vegetable (such as brinjal, cabbage, cauliflower, ladies-finger, onion, peas, potato, pumpkin, mushroom, capsicum and green chilly) and fruits (such as mango, leechi, guava, banana, papaya, lemon, hack fruit, amla and others).

The state is blessed with vast resources for establishing food processing units including those of fruit and vegetable preservation, milk and meat preservation and for processing of minor forest produce.

The economic development of Jharkhand state will be possible only if agricultural and rural development takes place on sustainable basis with capacity building being the focal point for the developmental endeavor.

For the purpose of agricultural development, special emphasis should be laid on technological aspects, ensuring new, cheap and timely availability of inputs. There is a scope for bringing additional area under cultivation through vertical and horizontal expansions, increasing area under irrigation, increasing production and productivity of food crops through optimum utilization of inputs like seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, agricultural tools and implements.

Minerals

Jharkhand is the richest state in terms on mineral deposits. Jharkhand is famous for its rich mineral resources like Uranium, Mica, Bauxite, Granite, Gold, Silver, Graphite, Magnetite, Dolomite, Fireclay, Quartz, Fieldspar, Coal (32% of India), Iron, Copper (25%of India) etc.. Over 41 % of the total minerals of the country are produced here. The state is the sole producer coking cola, uranium and pyrite. Jharkhand ranks first in the production of coal, Mica, Kyanite and Copper in India. Important minerals which are essential for the growth of the industries are found here. The geological exploration and exploitation of gold, silver, base, metals, precious, stones are the potential areas of future.

Jharkhand has a concentration of some of the country’s highly industrialized cities such as Jamshedpur, Ranchi, Bokaro Steel City and Dhanbad. It also has several firsts in India, including:
• Largest fertilizer factory of its time in India (since shut down) at Sindri
• First Iron & steel factory at Jamshedpur
• Largest Steel plant in Asia, Bokaro steel plant,Bokaro.
• Biggest explosives factory at Gomia, Bokaro.
• First methane gas well at Parbatpur, Bokaro.

Health

On account of salubrious climate, Jharkhand, particularly its capital Ranchi, has been like a health resort. As far back as 1918, facilities were set up for treatment of mentally challenged – Central Institute of Psychiatry, Ranchi.
In certain areas of Jharkhand, poverty and consequently under nutrition, has given rise to diseases like tuberculosis (TB). In fact, TB has assumed epidemic proportions in certain areas of the state. For management and treatment of such diseases, organizations like Ramakrishna Mission through Ramakrishna Mission Tuberculosis Sanatorium (set up in 1948), Ranchi, has been doing exemplary work, and supplementing the efforts of the Government and other agencies. Likewise, in the field of treatment of cancer, Tata Memorial Hospital, Jamshedpur,[5] is rendering pioneering work. the same way Bokaro General Hospital equipped with modern facilities for the treatment Cancer and heart related problems with capacity of 1100 beds one of the largest in eastern India.

Fluoride in groundwater presents a public health problem in Jharkhand. A recent survey led by the Birla Institue of Technology, Mesra, Ranchi in collaboration with UNICEF in the northwest districts of Palamau and Garhwa found fluoride levels above the drinking WHO drinking water guidelines . Fluoride in drinking water leads to dental fluorosis, prevalent bone fractures, and skeletal fluorosis, an irreversible disabling condition. Some work has focused on combating fluorosis through increased calcium intake by consuming local plants. Researchers at Princeton University and the Birla Institute of Technology, Mesra, Ranchi are currently investigating defluoridation options, while performing an epidemiological survey to assess the extent of fluoride linked health problems and the impact of future interventions.

Although several public and private health facilities are available in the state, overall infrastructure for dispensing health related services require improvements.

Education

The literacy rate in Jharkhand is only 54.13% (2001) and female literacy rate is still lower at 39.38%.

Jharkhand has a network of government and privately run schools, although standard of teaching considerably vary, from place to place, as also from school to school.
After 10 years of schooling, students can join 2 years of Intermediate course (or +2 courses) in Arts, Science and Commerce. This is followed by 3 years of degree courses. A number of non-technical colleges are located in bigger cities as well as in small towns. Some students choose to join 3 years diploma courses offered by Industrial Training Institutes (ITIs).

Jharkhand has 7 Universities: Ranchi University, Ranchi; Sidhhu Kanhu University, Dumka; Binova Bhave University, Hazaribagh; Birsa Agricultural University, Kanke, Ranchi; Birla Institute of Technology, Ranchi, National Institute of Technology, Jamshedpur and Indian School Of Mines(ISM Dhanbad-Deemed University). There are three medical colleges in Jharkhand namely Rajendra Institute Of Medical Sciences(RIMS) at Ranchi, M.G.M. Medical College Jamshedpur and Patliputra Medical College And Hospital(PMCH) at Dhanbad. The famous b-school Xavier Labour Relations Institute(XLRI) is at Jamshedpur. It's PMIR programme is regarded best in the entire Asia-Pacific region. As the institutions of higher studies fall short of state's requirement, many students, after completing schooling in the state, move away to places like New Delhi, Karnataka and several other locations for higher technical and non-technical studies.

However a lot of work still needs to be done to incorporate the vulnerable and the marginalized. As per Census 2001, although the overall literacy rate among the Scheduled tribes the overall literacy rate has increased from 27.5 per cent at 1991 census to 40.7 percent at 2001 census, the literacy rate among the tribes is much below the comparison to that of all scheduled Tribes at the national level(41.7%). Like the all over literacy rate among the STs, male and female literacy rates (54 per cent and 27.2 per cent) are also considerable lower than those at the national level(59.2 and 34.8 per cent)

Among the numerically larger tribes, Oraon and Kharia have more than half of the population in the age of seven (7) years and above are literates while Munda have the literacy rate almost equal to that of all STS at the national level. Remaining five larger tribal groups have shown the overall literacy lower than that of the national average.

Among the total tribal literates, 33.6 per cent are either without any education level or have attained education below the poverty level. The proportions of literates who have attained education up to primary level and middle level are 28.6 per cent & 17.7 per cent. Respectively. Person educated up to matric/secondary/higher secondary constitute 16.5 per cent. This implies that every 6th tribal literate is a matriculate. Graduates and above are 3.5 per cent while technical and non technical diploma holders constitute a negligible 0.1 per cent only

Political history and the way forward

Jharkhand has been at the centre of interest right from early days of the states creation, following its breakaway from Bihar in 2000. Politics in Jharkhand has an old history. It has been the site of many tribal revolutions right from the British days and it was similar kind of insurgence that led to creation of the independent state of Jharkhand. However, modern Jharkhand politics feature an electoral system divided between the assembly and parliamentary constituencies of the state her many political parties compete for power. In fact, Jharkhand politics feature a number of political parties virtually unmatched by any other state.

Since its inception, Jharkhand has witnessed two Vidhan Sabha elections and it also witnessed experiences the functioning of National Election watch, Jharkhand Election Watch in the last 8 years to ensure a fair and transparent electoral political process. National Election Watch is a nation wide campaign of more than 1200 NGO and other citizen led Government Organizations working on political and electoral reforms to ensure a democratic election process.

It is matter of great pride that the third Vidhan Sabha election is just around the and hopefully this election will enable us to ensure a system of parliamentary democracy in Jharkhand

In this perspective, National election watch in this present all party meeting –interface between Society and Political Parties supported by Jharkhand Election Watch and civil societies , the peoples manifesto, which is a comprehensive draft highlighting issues and policies which should receive special attention from political parties.

Peoples Manifesto
2009

A step towards fair and transparent Electoral Process

Commitment towards millennium development Goals

Poverty

• Jharkhand is a rich state inhabited by poor people, suffering from starvation, poverty amidst natures bounties and blessing
• Poverty creates an environment which hits the children hardest and is damaging to children’s development in every way – mental, physical, emotional and spiritual.
• With the millennium development goal(to which India is committed) of eradicating extreme Poverty and Hunger only six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties.

Education

• The reports of 1991 census conforms that total tribal literates are without any education level or have attained education up to primary and middle level. Moreover, the proportion on tribal literates decline sharply in higher level of education as the percentage of students after matriculation drops down t almost one third in higher secondary level
• The literacy rate in Jharkhand is only 54.13% (2001) and female literacy rate is still lower at 39.38%.
• With the millennium development goal(to which India is committed) of achieving universal education- six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties.

Gender Equality

• According to the latest report of United Nations population fund around two third of the married women in India are victims of domestic violence and nearly 70 per cent of women in India between the age of 15 and 49 are victims of domestic violence
• The consequences of gender based violence are devastating , including life- long emotional distress, mental health issues and poor reproductive health
• Besides this, the effect might extend to future generation as children who see violence often suffer a lasting psychological damage
• Keeping in mind the millennium development goal(to which India is committed) of achieving Gender equality just six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties

Child health

• The problem malnutrition and infant morality rate is chronic in Jharkhand due to extreme poverty
• The Child morality rate is 92 per thousand with Rural child morality rate as 93.2 per thousand and Urban child morality rate as 63.7 per thousand as per 1991 Census
• With the millennium development goals(to which India is committed)of reducing child morality just six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties

Maternal Health

• The Health condition of the tribal communities in the past have been vulnerable due to widespread poverty, Illiteracy and malnutrition
• The social and economic discrimination towards women has given rise to Maternal morality ratio
• There is an urgent need to improve health outcomes for mothers with the millennium development goal(to which India is committed) of reducing maternal morality rate by 2015 is to be attained

Combat HIV/ AIDS

• According to an estimate of Aids Control Society the number of HIV positive cases has almost been doubled in the last one year in Jharkhand
• The maximum number of HIV positive cases have been found in six districts of the state – Ranchi, Jamshedpur,Girdih, Hazaribagh, Garwah and Sahebganj
• Jharkhand has also witnessed a sudden increase in cases of Malaria this year, especially during the monsoon
• In order to achieve the millennium development goals of Achieving universal access to treatment for HIV/AIDS and halt the progress of HIV, Malaria and other major diseases by 2015 it is imperative tat sustained efforts should be initiated at the state level as well

Environmental Sustainability

• Achieving environmental sustainability requires managing and protecting eco – system to maintain both their economically productive and their ecological functions, maintaining the diversity of life in both human –managed and natural system and protecting the environment from pollution to maintain the quality of land, air and water
• Due to extensive Coal mining and vigorous growth of Industries in Jharkhand water resources have been badly contaminated
• Besides mining, coal based industries like coal washeries, coke, oven plants , coal fired thermal power plants, steel plants and other related industries in the region pose a threat of environmental degradation
• With the millennium development goals(to which India is committed)of ensuring economic sustainability just six years away(2015) it should be one of the priorities of all the political parties

Displacement

Displacement is the forcing of communities and Individuals out of their homes, often also their homeland for the purposes of economic development. Development induced displacement or Migration in the name of development is affecting more and more people as countries are moving from developing to developed nations. In terms of the development induced displacement in Jharkhand following points are relevant
• Acquiring land for development projects without providing for resettlement violates the basic rights of the tribal people, displacing the tribal people without providing for their resettlement deprives them of their basic right of occupation of their land which results in several problems like deprivation of their means of livelihood, migration to other places in search of work and living in poor conditions there, all of this just goes to show that displacement worsens the current position of the people
• The need to provide special protection to the tribal should be recognized, through enactment of an Rehabilitation Act which not only focuses on the future displacement but also addresses the anomalies of the previous Rehabilitation policy

Decentralization/Accountability and Transparency

In its democratic political aspect, decentralization is currently conceived and increasingly practiced in the international development community has two principal components
• Participation
• Transparency and Accountability

On the one hand participation is chiefly concerned with the increasing the role of citizens in choosing their local leaders what to do- in other words providing inputs to local governance, Accountability on other hand can be seen as the validation of participation, in that the test of whether attempts to increase participation prove successful to the extent to which people can use participation to hold a local government responsible for its action. In terms of the decentralization, accountability and transparency of policies and programmes in Jharkhand following points are relevant

Decentralization
• Panchayat Chunav Avilamb Ho
• Muncipal Chunav Ho
• Mahilao ko 50% reservation
• Traditional governance system should be strengthened and empowered
• Model Nagar palika Act Jharkhand mein Lago ho

Accountability and Transparency

• Political parties will commit towards accountability and transparency of all polices and programmes
• This commitment will comprise of administrative reforms
• The commitment includes both the responsibilities and the obligations of the ruling as well as the opposition party
• The commitment must include minimum standards that should be easily measurable. For instance – each disabled/Child is entitled to certain level of calories.

Marathoner outruns disability

2009-10-30T00:08:00.000-07:00

The Almighty uses different people in different ways, they say. He must have a special road marked for Sharad Bhagwatkar.

This 66-year-old has run marathons all across the country, as well as far flung places like Chicago. Now, he is running to raise money to renovate a Jain temple in Pusla village near Warud.

And, this feat is being achieved despite around 40 per cent disability of his legs after an accident in 1992. He was in fact bedridden for four years after the accident!

Bhagwatkar's marathon running success started in 2005. "My brother informed me that he had entered me for the international half marathon in Bangalore. I had been trying to garner funds for the temple, but with limited success over the years. Besides, my age and the condition of my legs were a deterrent. However, I thought that if this is the will of the Lord, then so be it," Bhagwatkar said.

"In my youth, I had been a state-level medal winner in swimming. However, lack of practice over the years had done no good for my legs. After taking the decision to participate in the marathon, I started swimming again, hoping to increase my endurance and regain sufficient strength in my legs. Besides, I had retired as an accountant from the police commissionerate in Nagpur in 2000, and could devote more time to the task at hand," he says.

"The task was daunting, and I knew it. However, I managed to hold my fort throughout the marathon, which was held on October 12 that year, and managed to complete it in two hours and 35 minutes. Although I came in last in my category, those over 40 years of age, people said that I was a winner because I had overcome a big hurdle," Bhagwatkar says.

"After that, I participated in two more marathons almost back to back in the first part of 2006. One of them was held in Mumbai on January 15, and the other in Chennai in February.

Reference : http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com

Women with disabilities discriminated even by family members’

2009-10-29T23:57:00.000-07:00

Gender plays a major role in the lives of people with hearing impairment as women face more harassment than their male counterparts. This observation was made by Era Walton, coordinator of the local chapter of Deafway Foundation, an NGO, during a seminar held on women’s empowerment at the Chandigarh Club on Friday. Manju Sharma, Women and Child Welfare Officer, Haryana, was the chief guest on the occasion.

Walton said that deaf women faced bias even at the hands of their relatives. “Our NGO has received cases where women were discriminated against by their own relatives because of their condition. It is sad to see that people fail to show any compassion to the hearing disabled,” she said.

Women from different walks of life, who despite their handicap had made a mark for themselves, shared their experiences at the seminar. Supriya, who is associated with the NGO for almost two decades, teaches interpretation and sign language to the hearing-disabled. “Women with a hearing disability have not had it easy in life. It has been a journey marked with difficulties but despite all this, they have carved a niche for themselves because of their hard work, persistence and courage,” remarked Walton

A motivating example is that of Rupinder who works with the Indian Overseas Bank and also teaches English to the hearing-impaired and helps them with new technologies. It was also observed that there has been a change in the outlook to hearing-impaired people getting married.

“People with a hearing disability now prefer getting married to people with the same disability as it ensures better compatibility and understanding. This was, however, not the case earlier. We have had cases where women were abandoned by their spouses or harassed for dowry because of their handicap,” said Walton.

Reference : http://www.indianexpress.com

Punjab University to set up vocational centre for disabled people

2009-10-29T23:50:00.000-07:00

Patiala, Oct 09:The Ministry of Human Resource Development has approved the construction of a Centre of Research and Vocational Training for Physically Disabled People at Punjabi University.

With the approval, the university will become the only one in Punjab to have this centre, aimed at empowering disabled people and ensuring 100 per cent employability against the posts reserved for them. University Vice–Chancellor Jaspal Singh said this while presiding over the Senate and Academic Council meeting on Thursday. "The next step will be to explore possibilities and generate avenues for the rehabilitation of drug addicts and eradicating child labour," he added.

The Senate also authorized the Vice–Chancellor for co–opting three members on the Senate for the next two years. It also gave its consent to the Department of Distance Education to start a Bachelor's degree in Business Administration and Diploma in HIV/AIDS counseling.

Reference :http://www.indianexpress.com

After 15 years, deaf candidate get into IAS

2009-10-29T23:47:00.000-07:00

NEW DELHI, 8 Oct: Maniram Sharma has won a 15–year–old battle for justice. On Thursday, this deaf IAS candidate learnt he has made it to the service.

With this, Maniram has not just won a personal battle but a milestone victory for disabled persons like him who have been kept away from the premier government service.

Maniram's case has been highlighted by TOI over the past couple of years how his efforts were thwarted on one ground or the other, till he finally went through surgery to make his aided hearing so good that he gave his IAS interview this time by the oral question–and–answer method. Despite this, his induction into the service was just not happening.

While other successful candidates got their call on August 17, he didn't. Finally, on September 3 he was informed that he had cleared the exam on all counts but still had to wait for another month to get his appointment. "I still can't believe it has happened. It has not sunk in. After suffering so many disappointments, it's difficult to imagine it has actually come true,'' Maniram told TOI.

Maniram's IAS saga began in 1995 when he failed in his first attempt to clear the preliminary examination. He was then 100% deaf. Since then he has cleared the exam three times a?" 2005, 2006 and 2009. In 2006, he was told he could not be allotted the IAS as only the partially deaf were eligible, not fully deaf persons like him. So, he was allotted the Post and Telegraph Accounts and Finance Service.

To improve his hearing, Maniram had a surgical cochlear implant, costing Rs 7.5 lakh that now enables him to hear partially. He appeared for the IAS again this year and cleared it, scoring the highest in the hearing–impaired category. Yet, he faced several more hurdles as the government put technical hurdles questioning his level of disability.

Anyway, this story has a happy ending. And Maniram has no complaints. ``If I could wait for 15 years, I could surely wait for a few more months. But the uncertainty kept me on edge,'' he said without rancour. He is off to his village Badangarhi in Alwar district, Rajasthan, to convey the news to his family. ``I have decided to go in person to tell them. My whole village will celebrate.''

Maniram's Badangarhi is a remote village which doesn't even have a school. He started losing his hearing at the age of five, becoming totally deaf by nine. His parents, both illiterate farm labourers, could do little to help. Yet, Maniram continued trudging to the nearest school, 5km away, and cleared class 10 standing fifth in the state board examination and cleared class 12 ranking seventh in the state board.

In his second year in college, he cleared the Rajasthan Public Service Commission (RPSC) examination to become a clerk–cum–typist. He studied and worked during his final year and topped the university in Political Science. He went on to clear the NET (National Eligibility Test).

He then gave up his RPSC job and became a lecturer. Not satisfied with that, he became a Junior Research Fellow and completed his Ph.D in Political Science during which time he taught M Phil and MA students in Rajasthan University. Having completed his Ph.D, Maniram got through the Rajasthan Administrative Service (RAS) and while in service he started trying for the UPSC

Reference : http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com

Kendriya Vidyalaya students with dyslexia say school don’t understand them

2009-10-26T02:46:00.000-07:00

Twelve–year–old Raman Khanna (named changed), a student of Kendriya Vidyalaya (KV) in Janakpuri, with dyslexia and dyscalculia. His school says it doesn't know how to deal with students like him.

After ToI highlighted the plight of two dyslexic students in two indifferent schools in February this year, Raman appears to have become the latest victim of official ignorance.

Raman, a promising footballer and swimmer, is repeating Class VI after he failed to clear the exam. His school has not been able to provide him with a special educator. He does not receive extra attention in class, neither does he get instructions on homework in writing or a scribe during exams. The child's grandmother, Neeta Khanna (name changed), who has been bringing him up since his parents died a few years ago, now has nowhere to go. "If my grandson fails again this year, his school will throw him out. Where will I take him then? What's his fault that he has dyslexia? It's the teachers who should understand his special needs,'' she said.

U N Singh, joint commissioner (academics), KVS, pleaded helplessness as the sangathan has no guidelines in place on how to deal with students with special needs. "The primary problem we are facing is how to save the child as we have no rules for such problems. The dyslexia clause is not covered. We just take care of visually and orthopaedically challenged students. At present we have no idea how to deal with this case,'' he said.

Another senior official said none of the KVs are prepared to deal with such students and there are no facilities such as special educators in the system. "This is not an exception. Of late, quite a few cases of special needs are emerging. But unfortunately most of the teachers and principals are insensitive to such issues or are completely ignorant. Such issues should be dealt with at the school level rather than at the headquarters, but since schools are not equipped and the principals are not proactive, we are not able to help the students,'' he said.

Neeta has been running from pillar–to–post since March. After spending several months meeting KVS officials, Neeta was reportedly informed last month that Raman could not be promoted. "I got him evaluated by a clinical psychologist and submitted the reports to the school as well as to the KVS officials. One of the officials told me that KVs don't have enough teachers to give extra attention to any child. I was also told that I should put him in a special school. They do not even understand the difference between learning difficulty and mental disability,'' she said.

While the MHRD has been making noises about reforming education, it appears not to have put its own house in order. The KVs are run by the Central government and funded by MHRD. According to Singh, dyslexia will figure at the next academic advisory committee meeting. But till the Sangathan changes its policy, the ordeal of Raman and his grandmother will continue.

References : http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com
Type : Archive

Central Railway fined 49 passengers for traveling in compartments for Disabled people

2009-10-26T02:43:00.000-07:00

The Central Railway (CR) on Tuesday fined 49 commuters for travelling in a (pictured) compartment meant for people with disabilities. According to railway officials, the drive has been carried out in six local trains, five Kalyan– Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus (CST) locals and one Asangaon–CST local between 10 and 11 am.

According to Shriniwas Mudgerikar, chief spokesperson, Central Railway (CR), the administration had received several complaints (through SMSes and e–mails) alleging that several passengers travel in special compartments meant for people with disabilities. On Monday, a disabled commuter had also lodged a complaint with the railway authorities alleging the same.

RPF personnel and Travel Ticket Examiners (TTEs) also participated in the drive and collected fine amounting to Rs 11, 806 from the offenders.

"As per section 155 of the Indian Railway Act, a minimum amount of Rs 200 can be imposed on a person who is found to travel in a compartment meant for people with disabilities and he/she can be given simple imprisonment for four days, if he/she fails to give the fine. As per the Act, physically challenged persons should produce the necessary certificates issued by an authorised medical officer. A cancer patient can also avail of this service. Leave alone the first class and compartments meant for people with disabilities and cancer patients, commuters cannot enter the vendors' compartment also," Mudgerikar said.

"This is not an end to it. We will soon conduct similar surprise checks so that such travelling can be curbed," added Mudgerikar.

Bachelors Programme in sign language introduced by IGNOU

2009-10-26T02:39:00.000-07:00

A Bachelor's programme in sign language has been introduced by Indira Gandhi National Open University (Ignou). A four–year programme, it entails a one year foundation course that imparts English language and sign language skills. Students who have completed class X are eligible for the programme.

"As far as learning needs of the hearing impaired are concerned, there is a lack of awareness. This is reflected in the dearth of quality course materials and infrastructural paucity in our country," says PR Ramanujam, director, Staff Training and Research Institute of Distance Education (STRIDE), Ignou. "Even policy statements of the government regarding education for the hearing impaired fall short of addressing their 'specific' needs. However, the foremost challenge is the lack of trained teachers."

The first graduate programme for the hearing impaired in India, it also hopes to address the challenge of unemployment. According to a recent estimate, only 5% of the hearing impaired children attend schools in India.

"This course has been developed in collaboration with the International Centre for Sign Languages and Deaf Studies (iSLanDS) at the University of Central Lancashire (UCLan) in the UK. This partnership will help us leverage their relatively more sophisticated teaching methodologies and course materials for the benefit of our students through exchange programs. We are being able to understand how specific technologies can assist and augment learning for hearing impaired students. This understanding is also useful for developing new learning assistive technologies and replenishing our computer labs for the benefit of students," he explains.

Ram Das, a history student from St Stephen's College, who is visually impaired, used around 150 audio–cassettes in class X and 250 in class XII for his studies. But then, he points out that it was cumbersome when it came to searching subjects and chapters. But now, with the 'Audio Book Reader' (ABR) recently launched by Samadrishti, Kshamata Vikas Evam Anusandhan Mandal (Saksham), an NGO, things are likely to be better.

The ABR is a pocket size device that reads the audio tracks stored in a Multimedia Memory Card (MMC) with random access to any subject, book or chapter. With a storage capacity of 60 hours in 2 GB capacity memory card, it provides the facility of putting the entire curriculum in a pocket, in a specified language, as per the need. It can be operated through a voice menu and embossed buttons and has a rechargeable battery backup of eight hours. Another advantage is that ABR can also be used as a group–hearing device by attachment of external amplispeakers or audio distributor.

Reference: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com
Type: Archive

Government shows apathy for the needs of the disabled children

2009-10-26T02:37:00.001-07:00

Going by the past record, it would not be wrong to say that as far as Centre's policies on special children are concerned, they are rarely been implemented. This was stated by Anil Joshi, General Secretary, 'Pariwaar' – a National Federation of Parents Organisation having 170 NGOs working for special children as its member.

"The state–level bureaucrats have no time to implement these projects and policies so the plans remain in papers only. In 1999, when National for Welfare of Persons with Autism, Cerebral Palsy, Mental Retardation and Multiple Disabilities Act 1999 came into existence –– autism, intellectual disabilities, cerebral palsy and multiple disabilities were debated as disabilities. Policies were made but never implemented."

Joshi was in the city today to attend the third regional parents' meet held under joint banner of the National Institute of Mentally Handicapped and Pariwaar and organised by Ashirwad – The North India Cerebral Palsy Association, Ludhiana.

Talking to the Indian Express, Joshi said, "Not only government but parents' apathy is also ignoring special children. Parents need to come out of the murk and make efforts to bring their wards to the mainstream. There is a dire need to make people sensitive towards such children."

Reacting to the callous attitude of different political parties, Amarjeet Singha Anand one of the members of Pariwaar, said, "In the recent Lok Sabha elections, Pariwaar wrote letters to all political parties to consider special children in their agendas but none paid heed to it. In Punjab, parents hide their special children from the society. I have instances where families had arranged for a caretaker and hardly bothered to take her/her to social functions. The situation is more precarious in the rural areas."

"Parents in Bengal and South India are more sensitive to such kids. Being a part of an NGO, we have planned to run an awareness campaign in the state."

Reference : http://www.indianexpress.com
Type :Archive

Disability Activist fight for the wheelchair access near the Jagannath temple

2009-10-26T02:34:00.000-07:00

Activists fighting for rights of disabled people on Saturday demanded that wheelchairs be allowed inside the (pictured) Jagannath temple like it is in other pilgrimages of the country. Priests do not allow people on wheelchairs or with crutches inside the temple as they believe that such equipment are impure.

"This violates religious rights of people with disability, which is a fundamental right. They must be allowed to worship the way they want to," said advocate Mrinalini Padhi, a Cuttack–based social activist and lawyer, who has taken the lead in the campaign. This not only prevents the disabled from entering the temple but also patients and elderly people.

Recollecting an embarrassing experience, Shruti Mohapatra, a disability rights activist and also a wheelchair–bound person said, "A priest told me that my disability was due to the sins I committed in my last birth and I should not sin more by entering the temple. It will be better if I go back."

"This is not only undignified but also painful for a person with disability to be carried by four persons into the temple," she said. The activists said though they have written to the temple administration many times about it, there has been no response. So a group of wheelchair–bound devotees would go to the temple on October 2 and request the authorities to allow them into the temple.

"Filing a PIL would be the easiest option but we want the temple authorities to understand the issue and religious sentiments of the people with disability," said Padhi.

The activists said while most of the famous pilgrimage places like Sidhhi Vinayak temple, Shridi Sai temple, Vaishno Devi and Akshardham temple have access to wheelchairs, not a single temple in Orissa has this facility.

Reference : http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com
Type : Archive

PM unhappy with scheme for disabled people

2009-10-26T02:22:00.000-07:00

Seventeen months ago, the government had planned to provide one–lakh jobs annually to disabled people in the private sector by giving incentives to companies. But instead of about 1.5 lakh jobs that should have been generated by now, the figure stands at a low of 119. A mere 0.08 per cent of the intended target.

Addressing a conference of state ministers of welfare and social justice on Monday, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh made his displeasure clear at the progress of the ambitious Public–Private Partnership (PPP) scheme.

Ironically, the Social Justice and Empowerment Ministry's recently released annual report 2008–09 listed the scheme under the "major achievements" of the year.

The offer to private companies under the scheme said, hire disabled and the central government will pay the employer's contribution to the Employees Provident Fund and Employees State Insurance for the first three years for employees earning up to Rs 25,000 a month.

But the scheme having a total outlay of Rs 1,800 crore for the 11th Five Year Plan –has simply failed to take off.

The Prime Minister said: "This scheme has been in operation since April 1, 2008.

However, it has unfortunately not made much headway in the last one–and–a–half year."

Three days ago, Social Justice and Empowerment Minister Mukul Wasnik, too, had rebuked officials of the National Handicapped Finance and Development Corporation, and said: "Whether problems are with the states or my ministry, these have to be sorted out."

At the same meeting Social Justice secretary K.M. Acharya admitted, "The response is not adequate."

He listed two reasons for the failure. First, the economic slowdown made companies reluctant to hire –– a reason the Prime Minister, too, has cited.

Second, central and state governments could not publicise the scheme extensively.

Reference : Hindustan Times
Type :Archive

Right to Information Act in Braille

2009-10-26T02:19:00.000-07:00

The Union Social Justice and Empowerment Ministry has got the Right to Information Act 2005 printed in Braille.

This is part of the Ministry's effort to make an inclusive society for all including persons with disabilities, according to an official spokesperson. The Ministry believes that a majority of persons with disabilities can have a better quality of life if they have equal opportunities and access to information including rehabilitation measures.

The Braille versions of the Right to Information Act have been printed and published by the National Institute for Visually Handicapped working under the aegis of the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment. The copies of the Act in Braille version can be obtained from the National Institute for Visually Handicapped, 116, Rajpur Road, Dehradun.

References : The Hindu
Type : Archive

Appoint special teachers for disabled children

2009-10-26T01:22:00.000-07:00

Ten–year–old Usha Shukla attends school everyday but still failed in her examinations. It's not that she does not study, but she suffers from a hearing disability and she cannot cope with the regular lessons taught in the government run–school. Many children like Usha, with various mental and physical disabilities, have now a reason to rejoice with Delhi High Court on Wednesday directing the Delhi Government to provide special educators for them.

Taking a serious note of absence of special teachers for disabled students in government schools, a division bench comprising chief justice Ajit Prakash Shah and justice Manmohan asked the state government to appoint two such specialists in each of 3,000 state–run schools in the capital. The court also asked the government to ensure that these educators get all the facilities including salaries at par with the general teachers. The court's order came on a PIL filed by Social Jurist, an NGO through counsel Ashok Aggarwal, seeking a direction to the NCT government as well as the civic agencies not to deprive disabled children of their fundamental right to have education by appointing adequate number of specially trained teachers for them.

"It's not fair at all. Why these students are being suppressed by not being provided with basic facilities?,'' the court asked while directing the state government to ensure the teachers get every necessary equipments. The order is to be implemented in schools run by the Delhi government, MCD and NDMC.

The court also came down heavily on the state government for not admitting students on the basis of their disability. Counsel Aggarwal told the court that one of the disabled kids was denied admission by a state–run school as the principal said they did not have the facility for the child. "This is clearly contrary to our order dated February 19, 2009. It is made clear that no disabled child should be denied admission in school run by Delhi government,'' the bench said.

The government appointed committee's report on mapping the disabled students across the city was also criticized by the court, which pulled up the committee for doing it in an improper way. "Mapping is not done in schools. It is equally important and requires an extensive campaign having 200–300 people who will get the fair statistics,'' the bench said while directing the government to conduct door–to–door campaign to list the disabled students. In this regard, the court also directed the secretary, directorate of education, Rakesh Mohan, to appear before it for September 23.

According to counsel Aggarwal, out of two lakh disabled children, only 15000 are in private schools. "The future of the remaining children hangs lose with no facility being provided to them," he said.

Reference : http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com
Type: Archive

New website to help disabled people find a match

2009-10-26T01:19:00.000-07:00

It was a fervent, five–page letter from a young man in Sivaganga district saying that none of his 88 family members was willing to help him find a bride as he was disabled person that got G Chidambaranathan thinking. The president of the Tamil Nadu Handicapped Federation Charitable Trust (TNHFCT) says they'd received a number of similar appeals from well–educated, working professionals, both male and female, who were disabled people and could not find spouses and so came up with the idea of a swayamvaram and a matrimonial website for the community.

To be held on October 10 at YMCA grounds in Nandanam from 10 am to 4 pm, the swayamvaram will be a chance for disabled people to meet and spend time together. "About 80% of the disabled people in Tamil Nadu are unmarried, and of them 60% are women," says P Simmachandran, TNHFCT secretary. "Another issue is that people marry disabled women and then abandon them after a few months. We're hoping lots of people from the community will come forward and register for the swayamvaram," he says. Registration is free; they've received 60 applications so far and are hoping to attract at least 2,000 people.

"We recently had a job fair which was a success. We've been helping people with education and employment, so the next step is trying to help them settle into family life," says Simmachandran.

The fair's being organised in association with Advent Designs, the company that has designed the trust's website (www.tnhfctrust.in) and is in the process of starting up a matrimonial section for the disabled on it. "This is one of the ways to get the disabled integrated into the mainstream," says A Muthukumar, managing director, Advent Designs. The swayamvaram will also be webcast live on www.anytimemarry.com.

They're hoping the swayamvaram will popularise the trust's matrimonial section and prompt disabled people from across the state and even the country to sign up. "Society seems to think the disabled don't need the companionship of marriage," says Chidambaranathan. "We get so many letters from educated people who earn good salaries who say their own families are unwilling to consider them eligible matches."

They're also planning to select 100 couples and conduct free marriages in January next year. "These could be couples who meet through our swayamvaram or those who have fallen in love somewhere else but do not have the means to hold a wedding," says Simmachandran. And if their swayamvaram is a success, they'll take the model to cities across the state.

Reference : http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com
Type : Archive

Hearing Impaired wins legal battle against Gujrat Technological University

2009-10-26T01:09:00.001-07:00

A 17–year–old girl with hearing impairment, Rachna Shah, heaved a sigh of relief when she was allowed to take her diploma exams on Friday after a prolonged legal battle for justice. The Gujarat Technological University (GTU) had to permit her to appear for the test after a Gujarat High Court order in her favour on Thursday. The decision came after irregularities were detected in the evaluation of her answer sheets of remedial tests.

Rachna's fight against the university and education system was not only for herself, but for all those physically challenged students who are discriminated against by state's education authorities. After clearing the boards last year, Rachna enrolled in a diploma course in electronics and communication. Just before she was to take her second semester exams, GTU changed the medium of study to English. Rachna had all along studied in Gujarati medium.

To her shock, she was declared failed in all six subjects. The university provided remedial tests for three subjects, but she was passed in one subject only. She appeared in the mid semester test and secured 67.7 per cent, but was not allowed to attend classes from April this year because she did not clear all the papers in the remedial tests.

She sensed some problem either in calculation of marks or in evaluation of her answer sheets. Rachna requested the authorities to show her answer sheets, which they refused. Ultimately, she approached the officer appointed under the RTI Act, but was shown her copies from a distance only and that too only the first page of the answer book.

She approached the Gujarat High Court demanding transparency in evaluation system, to fix 20 per cent criteria as passing score for disabled students, and to allow her to sit in the third semester. But the judge refused to entertain her application. Ultimately, a division bench of Chief Justice KS Radhakrishnan and Justice Akil Kureshi heard her case. The judges were furious over the university's attitude towards this physically disabled student.

On court's instructions, the university showed answer sheets to Rachna, a team of subject experts re–assessed the copies, upgraded her marks in two subjects and reduced marks in three papers. A 10–member committee was also set up to inquire against the evaluators, who checked Rachna's answer sheets first. A show–cause notice was issued to evaluators asking them why they should not be debarred on counts of negligence and insincerity.

The court's order has not only smoothened things for Rachna alone, but will force GTU to make appropriate changes in its policy towards physically disabled students.

Reference : http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com
Type :Archive

National Convention of State Viklang Mancha Organized by Human Right Law Network

2009-10-26T01:06:00.000-07:00

People with disabilities, groups and organisations of disabled persons from the rural parts of India came together in New Delhi to bring their demands and issues to the forefront on the 18th and 19th of September 2009. The two–day National Convention of State Viklang Manchas, organized by the Human Rights Law Network (HRLN), dealt with various issues of disability such as their right to vote, right to food, right to employment, right education, etc. The inaugural session was addressed by Ms. Poonam Natarajan, Chairperson of the National Trust; General Ian Cardozo, Chairperson of the RCI; and Deputy Chief Commissioner of Disability, Shri. T.D. Dhariyal.

Recently, there have been several debates surrounding the non–inclusion of persons with disabilities in different fields, and the denial of rights to them. The voices of persons with disabilities have been becoming more audible in demanding their rights, and in inspiring a movement towards a society that is inclusive and just for all.

Active sharing by the Viklang Manchas threw light on their various achievements is advocating their rights, as well as the obstacles they faced in this process. Suggestions were made for eliminating discrimination through greater sensitization towards disability from all sections of society. Issues of accessibility, certification and employment were evident in most of the discussions.

The Convention also included inspiring and interactive talks by eminent speakers such as Prof. Anil Sadgopal, Prof. Anita Ghai and Senior Advocate Colin Gonsalves. On the last day, around 200 disabled activists from 17 states led a demonstration outside Jantar Mantar. Seven delegates were sent to the Prime Minister's Office, where his secretary received the memorandum, and assured the activists that an initiative for action will be taken and communicated on Tuesday.

The memorandum, dealt with various issues, such as; consulting disabled persons in amending all laws and policies in accordance with the UN Convention on Rights of Persons with Disabilities; inclusion of all disabled children in the Right to Education Bill which was passed recently by the parliament; ensuring that the mandated 3% quota for employment of disabled persons is filled up; making currency notes accessible to persons with visual disabilities, and making all public buildings accessible to disabled persons; simplifying the process of obtaining disability certification; and reservation in special compartments for disabled persons.

Reference : http://www.disabilityindia.com/html/newssep09.html
Type : Archive

High Court asked Delhi Government to send children with disabilities to school

2009-10-26T01:03:00.000-07:00

The Delhi High Court Wednesday asked the Delhi government to conduct a door–to–door survey to find out children with disabilities and send them to school.

A division bench comprising Chief Justice Ajit Prakash Shah and Justice Manmohan asked Delhi's Education Secretary to oversee the survey so that no child with disability is deprived of the right to Education.

"Many parents are reluctant (to admit) that their child is having some disability. So to ensure that every child is educated, there is a need to conduct mapping of such children," the bench said.

The court has asked the Delhi government to reply by Oct 28. The court was hearing a public interest petition by Social Jurists, an NGO which contended that many schools deny admission to children with Disabilities.

The court had last week asked the government to appoint two special teachers for disabled students in the 3000 state – run schools in Delhi.
The order is valid for schools run by the Delhi government, the Municipal Corporation of Delhi and the New Delhi Municipal Council. http://www.thaindian.com

Reference :http://www.expressindia.com

World Deaf Day: Film made by and for hearing Impaired to be screened.

2009-10-26T01:01:00.000-07:00

Hearing impaired will soon experience reel magic by just clicking the mouse. They will have a chance to select from a wide range of options including short films, feature films and animations to docudrama.

All This, thanks to Mook Badhir Mandal (MBM) - a NGO working for the hearing impaired. To start with, MBM has made a three–hour feature film Mr. 420' written, directed, produced and enacted by hearing impaired.

The film will be showcased on occasion of World Deaf Day celebration on Sunday at CC Mehta Auditorium in which over 1,200 people from across country will participate. The day–long celebration will include screening of Mr 420', launching two websites for the community and another one for short films. They will also announce initiation of interpreter training programme for professionals, policemen and doctors to help in communicating with hearing impaired community.

"We have taken inspiration from popular Hindi movies, especially the blockbuster Sholay', which people from our community could not enjoy. It's a comedy film made to entertain people who can't just walk inside a cinema hall to enjoy a film," director of the film Rajesh Ketkar explained through sign language.

Mr 420' was made on a shoe–string budget of Rs 60,000 and shot in and around Vadodara district. The film has all ingredients required for a hardcore commercial film. "The cast and crew worked for free and cooperated in making the film despite some of them got injured during the shoot," added action director Imran Sheikh.

The NGO will also start making short films in Indian sign languages and upload them on the website. "We are creating a special site where films will be uploaded. Short films will be used to generate awareness amongst the community on issues such as AIDS/HIV, deaf women empowerment and sign languages.

MBM will also come out with interactive Indian sign language dictionary. These will be available in compact disc as well in printable version to aid in grasping the sign language.

Reference : http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com

Cochlear to launch technologies for hearing Impaired

2009-10-26T00:58:00.000-07:00

A higher generation of implantable hearing technology is slated to be soon released in India by Cochlear Limited, engaged in cochlear and bone conduction implant technology. The company is releasing three new technologies? Cochlear Hybrid, Cochlear Nucleus 5, and Cochlear Baha BP100 ? designed for hearing impaired people across a wide spectrum.

"For more than 25 years now, Cochlear has focused on developing technologies which addresses different types of hearing loss. The three new offerings have been designed for unique needs of people suffering from partial deafness, moderate to profound deafness, and single–sided deafness. Each one is, more sophisticated and more feature rich than ever before, and that means a world of sound can be opened up to millions of people," says Mark Salmon, president, Asia Pacific, Cochlear Limited.

Cochlear Nucleus 5 is thin, strong, stylish and an easy–to–use for both adults and children experiencing moderate to profound hearing loss. Cochlear Hybrid addresses distinctive needs of people with steeply sloping hearing losses in the high frequency region.

On the other hand, Cochlear Baha BP100 is supposed to be world's first hi–tech direct bone conduction sound processor that can automatically process sound. Also, this device delivers more than 25 per cent improvement in speech understanding in noisy situations. It comes in a range of colours and also has a Europin audio connector for lifestyle accessories such as FM systems, MP3 players and Bluetooth adaptors

Reference : http://www.business–standard.com

West Bengal, Chattisgarh give most job to disabled people under NREGA

2009-10-26T00:55:00.000-07:00

West Bengal and Chhattisgarh have emerged as the top states in implementing the Centre's ambitious flagship programme National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) for disabled people.

According to the latest official estimates, West Bengal has provided work to as many as 29,714 disabled people in 2009–10 followed by Chhattisgarh where 13,763 people have been given work. The National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) promises 100–day guaranteed unskilled manual work to every rural adult with an aim to alleviate poverty in such areas.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, on the occasion of Gandhi Jayanti on October 2, announced that the scheme will be rechristened as Mahatma Gandhi Rural Employment Guarantee Act.

Madhya Pradesh has acquired third position in providing jobs to 9,787 disabled people, followed closely by Tripura at 8,485, Gujarat at 6,994 and Maharashtra at 5,423.

Rajasthan, where the highest number of people was provided jobs in the current fiscal, could engage only 2,271 disabled people even as a total of 9,384 physically disabled people registered for work under the flagship programme.

Karnataka has provided jobs to a total of 3,722 disabled people, followed by Tamil Nadu at 1,851 and Kerala at 983. A total of 2,680 disabled people have been given jobs in Jharkhand.

As many as 4,410 disabled people have been registered for work under the Act in Bihar. However, the state government has so far provided jobs to only 38 of them.

Compared to the figures of 2008–09, the statistics of the ministry show an increase in the participation of disabled people under the programme in the current financial year.

During the financial year 2008–09, a total of 1,46,855 people were provided jobs under NREGA across the country and then too West Bengal was at the top of the list of the states followed by Madhya Pradesh

Reference : http://www.zeenews.com

“Rail facilities not user- friendly for person with disability”

2009-10-26T00:52:00.000-07:00

"Pull the brake chain and make a hue and cry when nothing else helps." That is what advocate Vijay Kumar suggests persons with disability to do when confronted with passengers illegally crowding a special coach meant for them. "People simply stray into a coach for persons with disability without being questioned," he says.

Speaking at a national consultation for "Making the Railways inclusive," organized by the Disability Rights Alliance, here on Saturday, activists from across the country pointed out how persons with disability were treated with due care by railway staff and said facilities meant for them were not sufficient.

Members of the Alliance pointed out that most of the provisions of The Persons with Disabilities (Equal Opportunities, Protection of Rights and Full Participation) Act, 1995, had not been implemented by the Indian Railways. Under the 'non–discrimination clause' of the Act, all transport sectors were required to adapt their existing facilities for easy accessibility.

Mr. Kumar said though Section (69) of the PWD Act had a provision that stipulated fine and imprisonment for persons misusing facilities meant for physically disabled people, the railway authorities never invoked this provision to punish illegal occupants of the special coach. "Right from booking a train ticket to conducting the journey, traveling in a train is uncomfortable for persons with disability,” he said.

No Catering facility

Coaches for persons with disability were attached near the guard's cabin and no catering facility was extended, activists said. "Do railway authorities expect physically disabled passengers to go hungry and thirsty throughout their journey," Mr. Kumar asked.

"Why can't persons with disability book a train ticket online and avail of a concession when senior citizens can do so," asked Mr. Srinivasulu from Andhra Pradesh. He said persons with disability have to go in person and book the tickets to avail themselves of the concession.

Width of Door

He pointed out that the width of the door of most train compartments were too narrow for a wheelchair–bound person to get in comfortably and disabled–friendly toilets were not available in most trains.

Paul Ramanathan of Karnataka–based NGO KARO said though battery–operated vehicles were available for persons with disabilities at major railway stations, assistance for operating them was not. "Getting from one end of the platform to the other becomes difficult when there are no announcements about the location of the coach," he said.

Simha Chandran of the Tamil Nadu Handicapped Persons Federation said going by the provision of three percent reservations for persons with disability, every train should have at least 60 seats available for them. "But now only four seats are available for them and their escorts in an entire train," he said. He said the Railways should not insist on an escort when physically challenged person want to travel independently.

Rights activist Rajiv Rajan said a change of attitude towards persons with disability was necessary. "Right now, railway officials only view us as receivers of public charity," he said.

Reference : http://thehindu.com

Government to change education laws to better include disabled people

2009-10-26T00:50:00.000-07:00

The Manmohan Singh government plans to amend the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009 to broaden the ambit of "disadvantaged" children to include children with disabilities. It would like to introduce the amendments in the winter session of Parliament. The ministry of human resource development (HRD) will be seeking Cabinet approval shortly for the changes.

This move would allow disabled children from economically weaker and disadvantaged sections to take advantage of the 25% seats set aside in private unaided school under Clause 12 of the Act. This had been a key demand of disability activists when they met HRD minister Kapil Sibal.

The ministry also plans to introduce changes in Clause 3 of the Act to extend the right to free and compulsory education to children suffering from disabilities as defined in the National Trust for the Welfare of Persons with Autism, Cerebral Palsy, Mental Retardation and Multiple Disabilities Act, 1999.

This Act deals with severe mental disability and goes beyond the scope of the Disabilities Act. At present, the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act is applicable to disabled children covered by the Disabilities Act.

This move by the ministry of human resource development is in response to the protests by disability activists in August, just ahead of the legislation being taken up for discussion in the Lok Sabha. At the time, the ministry had suggested that it could amend the Act after due consultation with those who work and research on issues relating to the education of children suffering from severe mental disabilities. The ministry had also considered a higher outlay for home–based education, which many children with severe disabilities require.

This effort to draw in larger number of children with disability also comes on the back of data gathered by a survey conducted by the IMRB. The survey found that 34.12% of children with disability were out of school. The national average for children in the age group of 6 to 13 years is 4.22%.

This figure is lower than the situation in 2005 when IMRB found the percentage of children out of school at 38.13. The highest concentration of out of school children is among those with visual disabilities (46%) and multiple disabilities (58.57%).

References : http://economictimes.indiatimes.com

Access audit of public hearing in Delhi to create a barrier free environment for disabled people

2009-10-26T00:48:00.000-07:00

Keen that public places are made more accessible to disabled people, the Centre has in a belated but welcome move decided to take up an access audit of government and public buildings in the Capital with the aim of promoting a barrier–free environment.

India has lagged behind the developed world in creating barrier–free buildings and public places, showing the callousness and utter disregard for disabled people on the part of civic authorities. The urban development ministry, which has engaged an independent agency to carry out the audit, wants to later undertake the exercise in all public buildings and urban spaces frequently visited by people.

Initially, 50 buildings in the Capital will be taken up. More buildings will be covered later, a UD ministry official said. The access audit will include identifying barriers in terms of external and internal built environment of the building such as approach, main gates, parking, building entrance, public dealing area, corridors and general circulation areas, signages, lifts, staircase, ramp, toilets, drinking water facilities, canteens, conference and meeting rooms, exit and emergency evacuation facility, lighting, warning system and safe refuge on ground floor as well as on upper floors.

The ministry, which is the nodal agency for implementation of a barrier free environment under the Persons with Disabilities (Equal Opportunities, Protection of Right and Full Participation) Act 1995, has also directed all states to designate an official in all districts to bring cases of non–compliance to the notice of civic agencies for appropriate action.

Creating a barrier–free built–environment for disabled people is the focus area of the audit. Once the buildings are audited, the report will be taken up by the ministry and implementation will start through CPWD and other civic authorities, said an official.

Though the ministry had formulated? Guidelines and Space Standards for Barrier Free Environment for Disabled and Elderly Persons" in 1998 and circulated it to state governments and other agencies, there was no audit and course correction.

In the developed world, building plans need to follow disabled friendly bylaws before they are approved and to ensure compliance, access audit is done at regular intervals.

Reference :' Hindu - 6/08/2009

Ability Fest to screen films from 17 countries for disabled people

2009-10-26T00:40:00.000-07:00

In an effort to bridge the divide between persons with disability and those without, and to sensitize people about disability, Ability Foundation, an NGO, has conducted AbilityFest from October 12 to 15. It will be the third edition of a biannual event, in which films from around the world, made sensitively, with and about people with disabilities, will be screened.

This time, there were films from 17 countries. AbilityFest commenced with the German film Beyond Silence', which has two lead actors with hearing disabilities. Aamir Khan's Taare Zameen Par' will also be shown.

For the first time in India, detailed descriptions will unfold on screen as the films play, and there will be suitable audio reproduction for the benefit of the visually impaired, said actor Revathy, vice–chairperson of the team organizing the festival.

Ability Foundation will also conduct an all–India one–minute film competition titled 60 seconds to fame', to encourage creative and inspired thinking on the theme of disability. So far, 300 entries have come in. Those selected will be screened between the main films.

The films at AbilityFest are screened at Sathyam Theatres.

Reference : http://www.abilityfoundation.org

NREGA – A RAY OF HOPE FOR RURAL UNEMPLOYED YOUTH - - by Rajesh C. Bali

2009-10-26T00:31:00.000-07:00

Vinod, who has studied Braille language upto the middle standard is all praises for the Central Government for starting the NREGA Programme and making the rural masses self-sufficient. When asked, does he face any problems while working? To which Vinod proudly replied, “I do not find any problem in digging or any other manual labour as I can sense the things much better than others”. It gives me pleasure and satisfaction when I give my hard earned money to my parents to run the hearth.

Productive absorption of under employed and surplus labour force in the rural sector has been a major focus of planning for rural development. In order to provide direct supplementary wage employment to the rural poor through public works, many programmes were initiated by the Government of India, namely, National Rural Employment Programme (NREP), Rural Landless Employment Guarantee Programme (RLEGP) and Jawahar Rozgar Yojana (JRY).

NREGA Programme

The National Rural Employment Guarantee Act has been implemented all over the country with the objective to provide wage employment in rural areas, create durable rural infrastructure and to ensure food security.

It provides an indispensable lifeline to the millions of poor in the rural areas of the country. This social security measure makes the right to work a fundamental legal right - a new, radical deal for India’s poor.

Parliament has approved the National Rural Employment Bill, 2005 seeking to provide 100 days assured employment every year to every rural household. The legislation has received wide support among political parties, social movements and the public at large.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh described it as the “most important piece of legislation” in Independent India. It marked a new beginning in the efforts for social equity and justice. He hoped that in the next four or five years it would cover all rural districts.

Dr. Singh said “this legislation will give bargaining power to the poorest of the poor and help those belonging to the Scheduled Casts, Scheduled Tribes, landless class and women. We are offering a modest, gainful employment that will fetch Rs. 500 per month for a family. This will bring landless families in the social safety net”.

A Success Story

Imagine a blind person who cannot afford to make his two ends meet, working happily as a casual labourer, Becoming an independent earning person and financially supporting his poor parents.

Vinod Kumar of village Khatroda, block Mahendragarh (Haryana), employed under National Rural Employment Guarantee Act Programme (NREGA) along with his mother Banarsi is no more a burden on his family, but is facing the life head-on.

“I can work like any able-bodied person. All the distances are on my fingertips and if I come across any hurdle, people of my village happily extend a helping hand to overcome it”, says confident Vinod.

It was Vinod’s sheer determination, which led him to work like any other person. At the village site where the work for digging a pond under this programme to conserve water is on, Vinod works with other labourers including his mother. He digs the earth with the help of spade and throws the mud by stepping up and down the mud stairs.

Vinod, who has studied Braille language upto the middle standard is all praises for the Central Government for starting the NREGA Programme and making the rural masses self-sufficient. When asked, does he face any problems while working? To which Vinod proudly replied, “I do not find any problem in digging or any other manual labour as I can sense the things much better than others”. It gives me pleasure and satisfaction when I give my hard earned money to my parents to run the hearth.

Second amongst three brothers, two of whom are married and living independent lives, he is fond of listening to FM Radio. When his parents were asked whether they face any problem in looking after their blind son, they smiled back and said, “We faced problems earlier, but now he does everything independently. His father added Vinod used to feel bad for not contributing financially or otherwise towards his home, but after getting a job under NREGA, he is satisfied and so are we. The Programme has given him and others in the village livelihood.

The Block Development Programme Officer, Deepak Yadav, under whose jurisdiction the village Khatroda falls is happy with Vinod’s work and enthusiasm.

Two-third married Indian women victims of domestic violence: UN

2009-10-21T03:29:00.000-07:00

United Nations,October 13 Around two-third of married women in India were victims of domestic violence and one incident of violence translates into women losing seven working days in the country, a United Nations report said. As many as 70 per cent of married women in India between the age of 15 and 49 are victims of beating, rape or coerced sex, the United Nation Population Fund report said. However, the rate of domestic violence is much higher in Egypt with 94 per cent and Zambia with 91 per cent. The report said violence against women was putting a huge strain on a nation's social and legal services and leads to heavy loss of productivity.

In India, one incident of violence translates into the women losing seven working days. In the united states total loss adds up to 12.6 billion dollars annually and Australia loses 6.3 billion dollars per year," it said.
Noting that women with tangible economic assets were less likely to be victims of domestic violence than those who lack them, the report cited Kerala as an example. "In Kerala, a survey found that 49 per cent women without property reported domestic violence compared with only seven per cent who owned property," it said.

The report also commended the family counselling centres set up by Madhya Pradesh police department and supported by UNFPA, which provide legal services in cases violence related to dowry, harassment by in-laws, child marriage and rape.
The report said one in five women will be a victim of rape or attempted rape in her lifetime, one in three would have been beaten, coerced into sex or otherwise abused usually by a family member or an acquaintance.

Despite efforts by governments and campaigns carried out by international organizations, violence against women continued on a wide scale in both developed and developing countries, the report said.

The report said women in several countries justify wife-beating for one reason or another. The reasons include neglecting children, going out without telling partner, arguing with partner, refusing to have sex, not preparing food properly or on time and talking with other men, it said.

Overall, the report said, several governments have started taking action and enacting laws to fight the menace but their effect is limited because of deep-rooted social mores in several societies.

Violence, it said, kills and disables as many women between the ages of 15 and 44 as cancer and its toll on women's health surpasses that of traffic accidents and malaria combined.

The consequences of gender-based violence are devastating, including life-long emotional distress, mental health issues and poor reproductive health.
"Abused women are also at a higher risk of acquiring HIV," the report said adding that it puts burden on the healthcare system as they become long-term users of health services.

Besides, the effect might extend to future generation as children who see violence, or were victims themselves, often suffer a lasting psychological damage, it added.

Reference : http://www.expressindia.com/news/fullstory.php?newsid=56501

पुनर्स्थापन व पुनर्वास नीति से ही विकास सम्भव - नंदकिषोर

2009-10-21T03:12:00.000-07:00

सभी राज्य के औद्योगिक विकास के लिये 'पुनर्स्थापना एवं पुनर्वास नीति' का होना एक आवष्यक पहलू है। झारखंड जैसे खनिज सम्पन्न राज्य में, जहां देष की कुल खनिज सम्पदा का लगभग 40 फीसदी उपलब्ध है, औद्योगिक विकास जोर न पकड़ने का एक मुख्य कारण पुनर्स्थापन एवं पुनर्वास नीति का न होना भी रहा है। यही कारण है कि राज्य बनने के बाद लगभग 65 एमओयू पर हस्ताक्षर तो हुए, लेकिन किसी पर भी काम चालू नहीं हो सका है.

झारखंड चूंकि आदिवासी बहुल राज्य है और आदिवासियों में विस्थापन एवं पुनर्वास की समस्या एक गम्भीर समस्या रही है. अलग राज्य के रूप में अस्तित्व में आने के बाद भी आदिवासियों की इस समस्या में कोई विषेष सुधार अब तक नहीं हो सका है. एक अध्ययन के अनुसार झारखंड में अब तक लगभग 70 लाख विस्थापित हो चुके हैं और इन विस्थापितों में सर्वाधिक 26 लाख लोग खनन कार्य के कारण विस्थापित हुए हैं. कारखानों व वृहत बांधों से जुड़ी सिंचाई परियोजनाओं के कारण भी बहुत बड़ी संख्या में लोग विस्थापित हुए हैं. रिपोर्ट पर विष्वास किया जाये तो इन विस्थापितों में से 70 फीसदी से अधिक लोगों को आज तक पुनर्वास की सुविधा नसीब नहीं हुई है. पिछले 50 वर्षों की विकास यात्रा में यह सचाई बार-बार प्रकट हुई है कि झारखंड में आदिवासी परिवारों को जमीन के बदले जो कुछ मुआवजा मिला भी वह काफी नहीं था.

गरीब आदिवासी विस्थापित सिर्फ अपना घर-बार ही नहीं छोड़ते, बल्कि उन्हें सांस्कृतिक रूप से भी काफी हानि उठानी पड़ती है. आदिम समुदायों को अपने जमीन व मूल निवास स्थान से गहरा भावात्मक जुड़ाव रहा है, यह बात तो जगजाहिर है. ऐसे में विस्थापन उन्हें पूर्ण रूप से तोड़ देता है.

वैसे तो झारखंड में आदिवासियों की जमीन को बचाने के लिये 'छोटानागपुर काष्तकारी अधिनियम-1908' एवं 'संथापल परगना काष्तकारी अधिनियम-1949' सहित 'बिहार अनुसूचित क्षेत्र अधिनियम-1969' जैसे की कानून पहले से ही मौजूद हैं, लेकिन आज ये कानून इतने पुराने व जटिल हो चुके हैं कि वे स्वयं में समस्या के कारण बन गये हैं. उदारीकरण, निजीकरण और वैष्वीकरण के इस युग में झारखंड के प्रति देषी व विदेषी पूंजीपतियों का आकर्षण और बढ़ गया है, लेकिन उचित विस्थापन व पुनर्वास नीति के अभाव में आदिवासियों के लिये विस्थापन की समस्या को और बढ़ा दिया है.

अब जब लम्बे इंतजार के बाद ही सही, सरकार कुम्भकर्णी निद्रा से है और राज्य के पुनर्वास-नीति की घोषणा की तो आषा की किरण फिर से जगी है. 16 जुलाई, 2008 को राज्य की बहुचर्चित और बहुप्रतीक्षित पुनर्स्थापन एवं पुनर्वास-नीति को राज्य मंत्रिपरिषद ने मंजूरी प्रदान कर दी. पुनर्स्थापन एवं पुनर्वास-नीति के लागू होते ही उम्मीद की जा सकती है कि झारखंड में नये उद्योगों की स्थापना से सम्बंधित कामों में तेजी आयेगी.

जवाब मांग रहा है झारखण्ड

2009-10-18T22:36:00.000-07:00

जंगल में आदिवासी ही नहीं रहते. वहां के मूलवासी भी रहते हैं लेकिन माफी मिली केवल आदिवासियों को. कहीं ऐसा तो नहीं कि ये केंद्र की साज़िश है? झारखंड को बचाने के लिए कंधे से कंधा मिलाकर संघर्ष कर रहे आदिवासियों और मूलवासियों में फूट डालना चाहती है. बहरहाल, इतना तो तय है कि कि केंद्र सरकार का ये कदम आदिवासियों के घाव पर महरम नहीं नमक का काम करेगा. ये कदम आदिवासियों के हितों की रक्षा के लिए नहीं बल्कि उनको गुमराह करने के लिए उठाया गया है. गृह-मंत्रालय का ये फैसला आदिवासियों को विश्वास में लेने की बात कहकर गुमराह किया जा रहा है.
झारखंड के राज्यपाल की अनुशंसा पर राज्य के आदिवासियों के खिलाफ चल रहे छोटे-मोटे 1लाख आपराधिक मामलों को केंद्रीय गृह-मंत्रालय ने वापस लेने का फैसला किया है। इनमें से ज्यादातर मामले संरक्षित वनों में घुसने, जानवर चराने, लकड़ी काटने और बिना अनुमति के जंगल से वनोपज एकत्र करने से जुड़े हैं. इस खबर ने ही झारखंड में आदिवासियों का सच, उनकी स्थिति, उनके साथ होने वाले व्यवहार और वहां के सामाजिक हालात को बयान कर दिया.सोचिए ज़रा. एक लाख मुकदमे सिर्फ आदिवासियों के खिलाफ. उस राज्य में जिसे आदिवासियों का ही प्रदेश माना जाता है. और मुकदमे भी बेदह मामूली. लेकिन इन मुकदमों के चक्कर में फंसकर आदिवासियों को कितनी दिक्कत झेलनी होगी? कैसे उनका शोषण हुआ होगा? अंदाज़ा लगाया सकता है. जो आदिवासी जंगल में रहता है वो जंगल में रहकर वनोपज एकत्र न करे या उनके जानवर कभी जंगल में दाखिल न हों असंभव है. इस फैसले ने जहां कई सवाल खड़े कर दिये हैं, कई सच भी सामने ला दिए हैं.सबसे बड़ा सच ये है कि झारखंड राज्य जिसे राज्य के बाहर के लोग आदिवासियों का प्रदेश समझते थे. अलग राज्य बनने के बाद वहां अब भी आदिवासी हासिये पर हैं. जिसकी गवाही देता है. उनकी जंगल से जुड़े मुकदमों की संख्या का लाख में होना. कहने की ज़रूरत नहीं है कि इसमें फर्जी मुकदमों की संख्या अच्छी खासी होगी या ये साबित किए जाने योग्य नहीं होंगे.

ये मामले जंगल और ज़मीन से जुड़े हैं.जिसके सहारे आदिवासी अपनी जिंदगी गुज़र करते हैं. वो सदियों से इन्हीं जंगल और ज़मीन के सहारे अपना अस्तित्व बनाए हुए हैं पर जब इसका वो अपनी आजीविका के लिए थोड़ा दोहन करते हैं तो उन्हें मुकदमों में फंसा दिया जाता है. और एक बार सरकारी मुकदमों के जाल में आदिवासी फंस गए तो अशिक्षित और गरीब होने की वजह से वो सालों तक अदालतों के चक्कर काटते हैं. और शुरू होता है उनके शोषण का अंतहीन सिलसिला. अगर केस वन विभाग से जुड़ा है तो वन विभाग के कर्मचारियों या अधिकारियों को नहीं तो पुलिस वालों को खिलाना-पिलाना पड़ता है फिर बारी आती है वकीलों की. . अब सोचिए. इन मामूली मामलाओं के फेर में फंसकर आदिवासी कैसे अपना शोषण करवाते हैं. एक तरफ सरकार आदिवासी, उनकी जीवन शैली, उनकी संस्कृति को सहजने की बात करती है दूसरी तरफ उनके मुलाज़िम आदिवासियों को फंसाकर उनका शोषण करते हैं.जब उस आदिवासी के घर जाएंगे तो उससे शराब और मर्गे की मांग करेंगे.

आदिवासियों के हालात के बाद इस फैसले पर केंद्र सरकार की मंशा पर सवाल. केंद्र जल्द ही नक्सलियों के खिलाफ बड़ा अभियान चलाने वाली है. इस अभियान की कामयाबी आदिवासियों की भागीदारी पर निर्भर है. अगर आदिवासी सरकार का साथ देंगे तो अभियान कामयाब होगा वरना नक्सलियों को नेस्तनाबूद करने का मंसूबा धरा का धरा रह जाएगा. साफ है केंद्र सरकार नक्सलियों के खिलाफ अभियान में आदिवासियों का इस्तेमाल करेगी. आदिवासियों से नक्सलियों की गतिविधियों के बारे में जानकारी ली जाएगी. यही नहीं अगर नक्सलियों के संहार में कोई निर्दोष मारा जाता है और मानवाधिकार संगठन खड़े हो जाते हैं तो केंद्र द्वारा आदिवासियों के मुकदमे माफ करने का उस वक्त ढाल का काम करेगा. सवाल सरकार की मंशा को लेकर इसलिए भी हैं क्योंकि उसका ये फैसला जनकल्याणकारी सरकार से ज्यादा एक सांमतवादी शासक का है. जो अपने फैसले अपने फायदे नुकसान के हिसाब से करता है. ये फैसला इसलिए नहीं किया गया कि केंद्र को आदिवासियों की चिंता है. अगर होती तो ये फैसला काफी पहले ले लिया जाना चाहिए था. सरकार को न आदिवासियों की चिंता है न उनके हालात की फिक्र. अगर होती तो राज्य को अकालग्रस्त घोषित करने की मांग पर ज़रूर गौर किया जाता. पूरा राज्य अकाल की चपेट में हैं. आदिवासी इलाकों में स्थिति भयावह है. लोग दाने-दाने को मोहताज हैं. पलामू के इलाकों में किसान आत्महत्या की गुहार लगा रहे हैं. इस बारे में प्रधानमंत्री और राज्यपाल को लिखा गया . लेकिन कोई सकारात्मक जवाब नहीं मिला.

आसमान छूती कीमतों, अकालमृत्यु, मज़दूरो का पलायन, कानून व्यवस्था की बिगड़ती स्थिति पर राज्यपाल की चुप्पी और गृहमंत्रालय की खामोशी समझ से परे है. अब जनता जवाब मांग रही है. आखिर कब तक जनता को गुमराह किया जाता रहेगा? राज्यपाल ने किसानों को मुफ्त बीज बांटने की घोषणा की. गरीबी रेखा से नीचे के लोगों को मुफ्त अनाज बांटने का ऐलान किया लेकिन ये घोषणाएं फाइलों में ही दबी रह गई. बीज और अनाज बिचौलियों और संवेदनहीन अधिकारियों की भेटं चढ़ गया. पूरे राज्य में जबरदस्त आक्रोश का माहौल है. अधिकारी और पूरी व्यवस्था कभी भी लोगों के गुस्से का शिकार हो सकते हैं.

राज्य के कई इलाकों में डायरिया का प्रकोप फैलता जा रहा है. लोग अकाल मृत्यु के शिकार हो रहे हैं. शासन और प्रशासन मूक दर्शक बना हुआ है. खाद्यान और स्वास्थ्य सुरक्षा के नाम पर करोड़ों की योजनाएं बनती हैं लेकिन लोगों को लाभ नहीं मिल रहा. हृदयहीन और संवेदनहीन अधिकारियों की लूट जारी है. शासन-प्रशासन खामोश है और जनता बेबस. भ्रष्टाचार के तांडव के बीच कानून व्यवस्था की बिगड़ती स्थिति से हर कोई डरा-सहमा है. सरकारी तंत्र की स्थिति ये है कि पुलिस इंस्पेक्टर तक को छह महीने की तनख्वाह नहीं मिलती और जानकारी सार्वजनिक तब होती है जब उसकी हत्या कर दी जाती है. गृह-मंत्रालय द्वारा एक लाख छोटे आपराधिक मामलो को वापस लेना आंख में धूल झोंकने की कोशिश ही मानी जाएगी क्योंकि अगर गृह-मंत्रालय और राज्यपाल आदिवासियों के हितों की रक्षा के प्रति जागरूक और गंभीर होते तो राज्य में एसपीटी एक्ट और सीएनटी एक्ट को प्रभावी तरीके से लागू करने की पहल करते.प्रशासन की मिली भगत से आदिवासियों के हितों की रक्षा के लिए बने कानून की सरेआम धज्ज्ाियां उड़ाई जा रही है. आदिवासियों की ज़मीने छीनकर उन्हें बेघर किया जा रहा है. क्यों खामोश है गृह-मंत्रालय और राज्यपाल?

इतना ही नहीं, राज्य में ट्राइबल एडवाइज़री कमेटी भी प्रभावी रूप से काम नहीं कर रही है. इसकी न तो नियमित बैठकें हो रही हैं और न ही ये अपने संवैधानिक दायित्वों को पूरा कर रही है. जबकि टीएसी की प्राथमिक ज़िम्मेदारी है आदिवासियों के हितों की रक्षा के लिए सरकार को सलाह देना. टीएसी के प्रमुख गवर्नर हैं. इसके बावजूद ये प्रभावी ढ़ंग से काम नहीं कर रहा है. आदिवासियों के हकों और हितों के प्रति गृहमंत्रालय और राज्यपाल की गंभीरता का अंदाजा टीएसी के प्रभावी नहीं होने से लगाया जा सकता है.
गृह मंत्रालय के फैसले पर संदेह की एक वजह ये भी है कि प्रदेश में पंचायत चुनाव कराने की पहल नहीं हो रही है. आदिवासियों के हितों की रक्षा करने और विश्वास जीतने के लिए 'पेसा' के तहत पंचायत चुनाव करवा आदिवासियों को विकास की मुख्यधारा में जोड़ने की कोशिश होनी चाहिए. आज़ादी के बाद से आदिवासियों का सिर्फ उत्पीड़न और शोषण हुआ है. कभी खनिज के नाम पर. कभी नक्सलवाद के नाम पर और कभी औद्योगिकीकरण के नाम पर.

आदिवासी इलाकों में अर्धसैनिक बलों की दमनात्मक कार्रवाई से पहले ऐसा कदम उठा केंद्रीय गृह-मंत्रालय आदिवासियों को खामोश करना चाहती है ताकि बड़े-बड़े उद्योगपतियों के लिए आदिवासियों की ज़मीनों को कब्जा करने में कोई दिक्कत न हो और नक्सलवाद के नाम पर इन इलाकों में भय का माहौल पैदा किया जा सके. एक तरह से देखा जाए तो केंद्र सरकार ने आदिवासियों से सौदेबाज़ी की चाल चली है. मुकदमों से मुक्ति के बदले नक्सलियों के सफाए में उनका इस्तेमाल किया जाएगा. जब इस्तेमाल हो जाएगा तो उन्हें उन्हीं के हाल पर छोड़ दिया जाएगा. यानी इस्तेमाल करो और फेंक दो. ये सच है कि झारखंड आज नक्सलियों से सबसे ज्यादा प्रभावित रहा है.जिस राज्य को विकास की दौड़ में काफी आगे होना चाहिए था वो काफी पिछड़ गया है .. लेकिन दिक्कत ये है कि नक्सवाद की जड़े हमारे व्यवस्था की खामियों में है. बिना इन खामियों को दूर किये इसे जड़ से नहीं मिटाया जा सकता. इसलिए ज़रूरी है कि व्यवस्था की खामियों का खात्मा जड़ से हो.आंख में धूल झोंकने की कोशिश न हो.

रेफेरेंस : http://www.visfot.com/index.php/jan_jeevan/1807.html

2009-10-15T22:19:00.000-07:00

Jawaharlal Nehru had said “You can tell the condition of the nation by looking at the status of women.”

And the following phrase of Manusmriti, “Na Stree Swathantryam Arhati” (woman is undeserving for independence), reflects our whole attitude towards women in our country. Woman suffers discrimination and injustice in all stages of her life.

Declining sex ratio portrays our discrimination shown towards her even at the stage of birth. Often the lame excuse is women are the ‘weaker sex’! But biological evidence proves, due to the presence of two X hormones women are more resistant to diseases compared to men. Life expectancy is a proof of this (In our country life expectancy of women is 65 whereas for men it’s only 60 years).

Census 2001 shows our national sex ratio as 921:1000 (921 females for 1000 males), and this will lead to detrimental social problems if not corrected. The main reason for this is female infanticide.

Gender wise abortions are on the rise. In economically developed states such as Haryana and Punjab the tendency is found to be more. Abortion though legal in our country, gender based abortion is a crime here. Strict measures should be taken for the implementation of Prenatal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation & Prevention of Misuse) Act 1994, which prohibits any prenatal diagnostic techniques and sex selective abortions.

A shocking study reveals that half of the world’s malnourished children live in India owing primarily to the lack of nutritious food available to the mother. In all the critical stages, be it infancy, childhood, adolescence or the reproductive phase many women suffer malnutrition purely due to the discrimination and the narrow mindsets of the society.

According to Mahatma Gandhi, “If you educate a man you educate an individual, but if you educate a woman you educate an entire family.” Our predominant patriarchal system doesn’t provide enough chances for women to have higher education even if they wish. Girls should be motivated to take up higher education. Universal education for all below 14 years should be strictly implemented. There is an urgent necessity of framing gender sensitive curricula at all stages of primary education to address sex-stereotyping menace.

Women should be allowed to work and should be provided enough safety and support to work. Legislatures such as Equal Remuneration Act, Factories Act: Constitutional safeguards such as maternity relief, and other provisions should be strictly followed. Poverty eradication policies need to be implemented. Macro economic policies would help in this drive. Through be it infancy, childhood, adolescence or the reproductive phase many women suffer malnutrition purely due to the discrimination and the narrow mindsets of the society.

According to Mahatma Gandhi, “If you educate a man you educate an individual, but if you educate a woman you educate an entire family.” Our predominant patriarchal system doesn’t provide enough chances for women to have higher education even if they wish. Girls should be motivated to take up higher education. Universal education for all below 14 years should be strictly implemented. There is an urgent necessity of framing gender sensitive curricula at all stages of primary education to address sex-stereotyping menace.

Women should be allowed to work and should be provided enough safety and support to work. Legislatures such as Equal Remuneration Act, Factories Act: Constitutional safeguards such as maternity relief, and other provisions should be strictly followed. Poverty eradication policies need to be implemented. Macro economic policies would help in this drive. Through economic empowerment women’s emancipation could be realized.

Dowry still remains the major reason for all the discrimination and injustice shown to women. Dowry has always been an important part of Hindu marriages. Not only among Hindus, its evil tentacles are now spreading to other religions also. Although dowry was legally prohibited in 1961(Dowry Prohibition Act), it continues to be highly institutionalized.

It is ridiculous to see that even among highly educated sections, the articles of dowry are proudly exhibited in the marriage as a status symbol. The practice of dowry abuse is rising in India. The most severe is “bride burning”, the burning of women whose dowries were not considered sufficient by their husband or in-laws. Most of these incidents are reported as accidental burns in the kitchen or are disguised as suicide. It is evident that there exist deep-rooted prejudices against women in India.

Cultural practices such as these tend to subordinate women in our society. Dowry is one of those social evils that no educated woman will own up with pride; still many are adhering to it,why? Women should be more economically empowered and should be educated properly regarding the various legal provisions such as Section 498ACrPC, protection from domestic violence etc. only then only this evil menace could possibly be eradicated from Indian social system.

True empowerment will only be reached when women take part actively in the decision making process of our country. Women Reservation Bill that entitles to provide 33 per cent reservation in Parliament is a bill of utmost importance. The success of 73rd & 74th amendment which reserves certain number of seats for women in the local bodies should be an encouragement for the Bill to be passed at least in this current session.

Mainstreaming and women’s empowerment is central to human development. Empowerment of women could only be achieved if their economic and social status is improved. This could be possible only by adopting definite social and economic policies with a view of total development of women and to make them realize that they have the potential to be strong human beings.

The various articles of our constitution enshrine principle of gender equality. We started giving special attention to the causes of women by the fifth five-year plan. For considering the grievances and preventing the atrocities against women a National Commission for Women (NCW) was set up in 1990.

But despite all these measures there should be a strong determination among every man that every woman in this country should be honoured. Only then empowerment in its true meaning will be realized.

Swami Vivekananda had said “That country and that nation which doesn’t respect women will never become great now and nor will ever in future” and in pursuit of making India a great nation, let us work towards giving women their much deserved status.

महिला सशक्तीकरण - संघर्ष अभी बाकी है. दयानन्द कुमार

2009-10-15T06:20:00.000-07:00

भारत में महिलाओं की स्थिति के विषय में कोई भी साधारणीकरण लगभग असंभव है. ऐसा विशेष रूप से इसलिये भी क्योंकि महिलाओं की स्थिति में सुधार के किये जानेवाले दावों के जवाब में कई ऐसी स्थितियां भी हैं जिससे महिला सशक्तीकरण के दावों की नींव कमजोर पड़ने लगती है और वे जगह-जगह से टूटकर अपने कमजोर होने की गवाही खुद देने लगते है, ऐसे में इस निष्कर्ष पर पहुंचना कि महिलाएं सशक्त हैं या कमजोर काफी कठिन है. पिछले महीने दो मीडिया संस्थानों इंडियन एक्सप्रेस और आईबीएन सेवेन के साथ सीएसडीएस द्वारा भारत में महिलाओं की स्थिति पर कराए गये सर्वेक्षण के नतीजे काफी रोचक हैं. हालांकि यह सर्वेक्षण 20 राज्यों और 160 स्थानों के 4000 महिलाओं पर किया गया था लेकिन इसके नतीजों से महिला सशक्तीकरण के दावों की जमीन के संबंध में काफी जानकारी मिल जाती है. सर्वेक्षण में जो रोचक बात उभरकर सामने आयी वह यह थी कि अधिसंख्य भारतीय महिलाएं घर के दायरे से बाहर निकलकर वैतनिक कार्य करने को इच्छुक थीं और जो किसी कारणवश ऐसा नहीं कर पा रही थीं वे ऐसा करना चाहती थी. उनमें से अधिसंख्य यह महसूस करती थीं कि यदि वे बाहर काम करती हैं अौर कुछ कमाकर लाती हैं तो इससे उनका सम्मान बढ़ता है. हालांकि उनमें से बहुसंख्य का यह भी मानना था कि उन्हें कार्यस्थल में पुरुषों के समान काम करने के बावजूद समान पारिश्रमिक नहीं दिया जाता है और न ही कार्यस्थल में उन्हें वह सम्मान दिया जाता है जिसकी वह हकदार हैं. उनमें से बहुतों का यह भी मानना था कि कार्यस्थल में उनका शोषण किया जाता है. जिन महिलाओं पर यह सर्वेक्षण किया गया उनमें से 67 फीसदी का यह मानना था कि जो काम वे घर पर संपन्न करती हैं उसके लिये उन्हें पारिश्रमिक का भुगतान किया जाना चाहिए. इसके अलावा कई महिलाओं ने यह भी कहा कि बावजूद इसके कि उन्हें पैसे की जरूरत नहीं है वे किये गये काम का दाम पाना चाहती है. लेकिन किये गये काम का दाम मांगनेवाली महिलाओं में से कितनी महिलाएं ऐसी हैं जो अपने कमाए गये पैसे का कैसे उपयोग किया जाये यह निर्णय ले सकती है? इस सवाल का जवाब यह है कि सर्वेक्षण में शामिल महिलाओं में से केवल आधी महिलाओं ने यह स्वीकार किया कि वे यह निर्णय ले पाने की स्थिति में हैं. हालांकि अधिकांश महिलाओं ने यह स्वीकारा की निर्णय ले पाने की प्रक्रिया में उनकी भागीदारी होती है लेकिन केवल एक तिहाई महिलाओं ने यह स्वीकारा की वे अकेले यह निर्णय ले सकती है. दुखद तो यह भी है कि अधिकांश महिलाओं ने सर्वेक्षण में कहा कि वे यह निर्णय भी ले पाने की स्थिति में नहीं हैं कि वे आगे पढ़ाई करें या कहीं काम करें. यहां तक कि बहुत अधिक शिक्षित महिलाओं ने भी यह स्वीकारा कि ऐसे मसलों पर स्वतंत्र निर्णय वे अकेले नहीं ले सकती हैं. सर्वेक्षण में शामिल पांच में से केवल एक महिला ने यह स्वीकारा कि वे विवाह किससे करें इसका निर्णय वे खुद ले सकने की स्थिति में हैं. केवल एक क्षेत्र जहां वे स्वतंत्र रूप से निर्णय ले सकती हैं वह है उनका किसे मत दे या न दें का मुद्दा, यानी मतदान करने के मामले में वे स्वतंत्र रूप से निर्णय ले सकती हैं. हालांकि आधी महिलाओं ने यह स्वीकारा कि वह स्वतंत्र रूप से यह निर्णय ले सकती हैं. लेकिन आधी महिलाओं के पास यह निर्णय कर सकने की क्षमता नहीं है. ऐसे में भारत में महिलाओं की स्थिति की एक मिलीजुली तस्वीर उभरती है. महिलाएं कमाना चाहती हैं, सम्मान चाहती हैं और स्वायत्तता भी चाहती हैं लेकिन अभी भी अधिकांश महिलाओं के लिये यह चाहत दूर की कौड़ी ही है. ऐसा महिलाओं की जिन्दगी को प्रभावित करनेवाले महत्वपूर्ण मसलों जैसे शिक्षा और विवाह में भी है. इसका सीधा मतलब यह है कि कुछ महिलाओं में झलक रहे स्वाभिमान से यह दावा नहीं किया जा सकता, नहीं किया जाना चाहिए कि भारत में महिलाओं की स्थिति सचमुच सुधर गयी हैं, वे सशक्त हो गयी हैं विषेशकर तब जब इस छोटे से सर्वेक्षण में शामिल अधिकांश महिलाओं को निर्णय लेने की स्वतंत्रता या स्वायत्तता हासिल नहीं है. हालांकि इस तरह के सर्वेक्षण्ा इसलिये रोचक और महत्वपूर्ण हैं क्योंकि इनसे इस मुद्दे पर बहस की गुंजाइश बनती है, नेशनल फैमिली हेल्थ सर्वे तीन के द्वारा जारी किये गये आंकड़े भी कम चौंकाऊ नहीं हैं. साथ ही यह भारत में महिलाओं की स्थिति की विस्तृत और बहुत हद तक विश्वसनीय जानकारी हासिल करने के लहजे से भी महत्वपूर्ण हैं. यह सर्वेक्षण भारत के 29 राज्यों में करीब 1.25 लाख महिलाओं पर किया गया था. हालांकि इस सर्वेक्षण से जो तथ्य उभरकर सामने आएं हैं वे विशेष रूप से महिलाओं का हिंसक घटनाओं का शिकार बनने के ख्याल से काफी दुखद हैं. स्वास्थ्य संबंधी आंकड़े जिसमें भारत में महिलाओं जिसमें गर्भवती महिलाएं भी शामिल हैं का एनीमिया का शिकार बनना भी काफी दुर्भाग्यजनक है. इन तथ्यों से एक और स्वर यह भी उभरता है कि महिलाओं की हालत में सुधार आने के बावजूद सब कुछ अभी भी बहुत अच्छा नहीं है. उदाहरण के लिये नेशनल फैमिली हेल्थ सर्वे तीन के दावे बताते हैं कि 57.8 फीसदी अथवा हरेक दो में से एक गर्भवती महिला एनीमिया की शिकार है. यह इसलिये क्योंकि उन्हें पर्याप्त पोषण उपलब्ध नहीं मिल पाता और उनके स्वास्थ्य संबंधी जरूरतोें को लेकर लापरवाही बरती जाती है. इस दिशा में सबसे खराब हालत हरियाणा की है. वहां की गर्भवती महिलाओं में से 70 फीसदी महिलाएं रक्ताल्पता या एनीमिया की शिकार हैं. 15 से 49 वर्ष की विवाहित महिलाओं के समूह में उनके एनीमिया का शिकार होने की स्थिति जहां वर्ष 1998-99 में 51.89 फीसदी थी वहीं वर्ष 2005-06 में यह बढ़कर 56.1 फीसदी हो गयी. यह उस देश के लिये सचमुच अस्वीकार्य आंकड़ा है जो अपने वैश्विक महाशक्ति होने के दावे की खम ठोंकता फिरता है. अब एक दूसरे मानक की बात करें. यह मानक महिलाओं के विरुध्द आपराधिक मामलों का है. नेशनल क्राइम रिकार्ड ब्यूरो के वर्ष 2006 के आंकड़ों की बात करें तो हम पाते हैं कि महिलाओं के साथ बलात्कार के मामलों में 5.4 फीसदी का इजाफा हुआ है वहीं दहेज हत्या के मामलों में भी 12.2 फीसदी की बढ़ोत्तरी हुई है. ये सारे आंकड़े दहेज से सबंधित अपराध के हैं. दहेज हत्या के मामलों से निकलकर आगे बढ़े तो दहेज निषेघ अधिनियम 1961 के अधीन दर्ज कराये गये मामलों में भी 40.6 फीसदी का इजाफा हुआ है. इसके अलावा धारा 498 ए के अधीन किसी महिला के पति द्वारा या फिर उसके संबंधी द्वारा दर्ुव्यवहार किये जाने के मामलों में भी इजाफा हुआ है. इन तथ्यों से यह भी पता चलता है कि महिलाओं के लिये सबसे सुरक्षित समझे जानेवाले घर के अंदर भी महिलाएं सुरक्षित नहीं हैं. नेशनल क्राइम रिकार्ड ब्यूरो की वेबसाइट कुछ अन्य मसलों को लेकर भी महत्वपूर्ण हैं. उदाहरण के लिये उन राज्यों जहां महिलाओं के साथ सबसे ज्यादा अपराध के मामले दर्ज किये गये उनमें आंध्र प्रदेश पहले स्थान पर है, इसके बाद उत्तर प्रदेश, महाराष्ट्र, मध्य प्रदेश और राजस्थान की बारी आती है. महिलाएं जिन शहरों में सबसे अधिक आपराधिक घटनाओं का शिकार बनती हैं उनमें दिल्ली का स्थान पहला है इसके बाद हैदराबाद, मुम्बई, बंगलौर और अहमदाबाद का स्थान आता है. हालांकि महिलाओं के सशक्त होने की जो छोटे-छोटे चित्र हम अपने बीच देखते हैं उनसे महिलाओं की स्थिति में सुधार होने का सुखद एहसास हमें होता है. लेकिन यह तस्वीर मुकम्मल नहीं है इसलिये हमें जो हम देख रहे हैं उस आधी-अधूरी तस्वीर पर भरोसा न करके महिलाओं की स्थिति की मुकम्मल तस्वीर को गहराई से देखने का प्रयास करना चाहिए. क्योंकि भारत में महिलाओं की स्थिति में सुधार लाने के लिये किया गया संघर्ष अभी भी बहुत बेहतर स्थिति में नहीं है जिसका सीधा मतलब यह भी है कि संघर्ष अभी बाकी है और यह केवल एक स्तर पर नहीं बल्कि कई मंचों से और बहुविध माध्यमों से लड़ा जाना चाहिए. यह लड़ाई यथार्थ के धरातल पर संगठित होकर लड़ी जा सके इसके लिये तथ्यात्मक आंकड़ों और सचाई का ज्ञान आवश्यक है.

The Worst Forms of Child Labour in Asia - Sona Sahu

2009-10-14T02:50:00.000-07:00

Child is the father of the man" or he is the future of tomorrow? But no more. With the growing exploitation and the way we are depriving him of his basic rights, the future seems dark and grim. Child labour is one of the worst forms of exploitation. It has been going on since long without being noticed. Asia has 61% of the world's child labourers. Despite the help offered by few organizations, it's largely taken for granted and no substantial effort has been put in this direction to overcome it and give the children of this world a better chance.

Exploitation of children in commercial sex trade remains the worst form of child labour in Asia. UNICEF estimates that 1 million children are lured into sex trade in Asia every year, wherein 40% were sold by parents, 15% by their relatives. Traffickers of both children and adults feed largely on the desire of poor families and many young people for economic and personal advancement through migration for work. Thailand is the base for children trafficked from Laos, Cambodia, Burma, and China. The children work as prostitutes, household helpers, in factories, farms, fishing vessels, drug trafficking.

Bonded child labour is extensively rooted in socio-cultural and political structures in parts of South Asia. Bonded children are delivered in repayment of a loan who then work like slaves in agriculture, domestic work, brick kilns, glass industries, tanneries, gem polishing and many other manufacturing and marketing industries. Child abuse in name of domestic work is rampant in Asia. The young are exposed to hazards while doing heavy household work and are usual victims of verbal, physical, and sexual abuse and is most difficult to see as they are restrained within the privacy of our homes.

The rise in the incidences of internal armed conflicts in several Asian countries has resulted in even more exposure of children to armed groups as soldiers, spies, porters and helpers in camps, subjected to abusive treatments in Burma, Sri Lanka, India, Indonesia, Philippines and Nepal.
Ordinary people can also help fight for the cause by learning about the issue, help organizations that are raising awareness, providing direct help to individual children. It can be decreased by increased family incomes; education - impart skills to help them earn a living, family control - so that families are not burdened by children.

The ILO's International Programme for the Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC) has explored many programs to help child laborers. Strong advocates of this approach are Boyden, Myers and Ling; Concerned for Working Children in Karnataka, India; many children's "unions" and "movements" and the Save the Children family of NGO. Helped in this effort by setting up credit schemes, supported education schemes, got appropriate legislation on child labour implemented.
Let us also contribute in this direction so that no more children work on the streets. Let us all pledge to give them their childhood back, their lost innocence and smile. Let us give them education to light their hearts and this world to make it a better place to live in.

Web Reference : http://www.coolavenues.com/cafe/articles/sona_1.php3

समाज के लिये अभिशाप है बाल मजदूरी - सीमा सिन्हा

2009-10-14T01:57:00.000-07:00

बच्चे परिवार, समाज, राज्य और देश के भविष्य हैं, लेकिन तब जब परिवार, समाज, राज्य और देश उन्हें सारी सुविधाएं उपलब्ध कराये और उनकी सेवा में तत्पर रहे। किन्तु जब यही बच्चे 14 वर्ष से कम उम्र में ही अपने परिवार के सदस्यों के भरण-पोषण के लिये हाड़तोड़ मेहनत करने को मजबूर हो जायें तब उन्हें परिवार, समाज, राज्य या देश का भविष्य कैसे कहा जा सकता है? देश के अन्य राज्यों की तरह झारखंड में भी मेहनत-मजदूरी कर परिवार के सदस्यों को सुविधाएं उपलब्ध कराने वाले बाल श्रमिकों की संख्या में दिन-प्रतिदिन इजाफा होता जा रहा है। बाल श्रमिकों में नादान उम्र के बच्चों की संख्या भी तेजी से बढ़ती जा रही है।

झारखंड के ग्रामीण एवं कस्बाई इलाकों सहित राजधानी रांची में भी होटलों, ढाबों, गैराजों एवं असंगठित क्षेत्रों में बाल श्रमिकों की संख्या बढ़ती जा रही है। पढ़े-लिखे एवं संभ्रांत लोग भी बाल मजदूरों से कार्य करवाने में अपनी शान समझने लगे हैं। शहरी एवं ग्रामीण इलाकों में बाल मजदूरों का एक बड़ा वर्ग होटलों-ढाबों में बर्तन मांजते या गैराजों में नट-बोल्ट कसता हुआ दिखाई पड़ता है। ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों में खेतों-खलिहानों में बाल मजदूरों से कमरतोड़ मेहनत करवायी जाती है। शहरी या कस्बाई इलाकों में इन बच्चों से घरेलू नौकरों का काम करवाया जाता है। इनमें लड़कियों की संख्या भी काफी है। इसके अलावा भवन-निर्माण, पाइप लाइन बिछाने या नालियों के निर्माण के लिये गङ्ढे खोदने, ईंट-भट्ठों में मिट्टी लाने या तैयार ईंटों को भट्ठों से निकालने, छोटे-मोटे कल-कारखानों, पत्थर तोड़ने सहित अन्य खतरनाक कार्यों में बाल श्रमिकों को लगाया जाता है।

बाल मजदूरों से बेहद अधिक काम लिया जाता है और बदले में इन्हें काफी कम मेहनताना दिया जाता है। सर्दियों में ठिठुरते हुए, गर्मियों में झुलसते हुए और बारिश में भींगते हुए हाड़तोड़ मेहनत करने के बावजूद बाल श्रमिकों को मजदूरी के नाम पर नाममात्र रुपये का भुगतान किया जाता है। साथ ही मामूली बातों पर भी बाल मजदूरों को मालिकों, ठीकेदारों की दुत्कार-गाली सुननी और मार खानी पड़ती है। कचरा, प्लास्टिक, पेपर चुनने वाले, स्टेशनों-पड़ावों पर अखबार या खाने-पीने की सामग्री बेचने वाले या जूते पॉलिश कर दो पैसे कमाने वाले बच्चे प्रत्यक्ष रूप से किसी के अधीन तो काम नहीं करते, लेकिन उन्हें असामाजिक तत्वों के शोषण का शिकार होना पड़ता है। असामाजिक तत्व ऐसे बच्चे-बच्चियों का यौन-शोषण सहित अन्य तरह का शोषण करने में पीछे नहीं रहते।

दूर-दराज के क्षेत्रों से शहर आकर काम करने वाले बाल श्रमिकों की स्थिति और भयावह है। जब सारी दुनिया सोती रहती है तब सर्दियों में भी बाल श्रमिक अहले सुबह अपने बिस्तर से निकलकर काम पर जाने की तैयारी में लग जाते हैं। इन बच्चों को पता भी नहीं चल पाता है कि कब सूरज निकला, कब डूब गया, क्योंकि जब वे वापस लौटते हैं तो सूरज अस्त हो चुका होता है। ऐसे बच्चे अपना 'बचपन' जी नहीं पाते हैं और दो जून की रोटी की जद्दोजहद में समय से पहले कम उम्र में ही 'बूढ़े' हो जाते हैं। वयस्क मजदूरों से कम मजदूरी में आसानी से मिल जाने और प्रतिकार नहीं करने के कारण लोग बाल मजदूरों से ही काम लेना पसंद करते हैं। लेकिन कार्यस्थल पर बाल मजदूरों के लिये खाने-पीने, मनोरंजन एवं शिक्षा की व्यवस्था नहीं की जाती है। बाल मजदूरों के कार्यावधि एवं अवकाश का भी निर्धारण नहीं होता है। दिन-रात जब-जब मर्जी में आये बाल मजदूरों से कार्य लिया जाता है। कार्यस्थल पर झिड़की मिलने से बालमन पर प्रतिकूल प्रभाव पड़ता है। कुंठा, अभाव एवं हाड़तोड़ मेहनत के कारण बाल श्रम करने वाले बच्चों का शारीरिक और मानसिक विकास नहीं हो पाता है या कार्य नहीं करने वाले बच्चों की अपेक्षा कम होता है। ऐसे बच्चे गलत शोहबत में पड़कर नशीले पदार्थों का भी सेवन करने लग जाते हैं। पौष्टिक भोजन नहीं मिलने, जरूरत से अधिक मेहनत करने, नशीले पदार्थों का सेवन करने एवं अवसाद के कारण बाल श्रमिक तरह-तरह की घात बीमारियों के शिकार भी हो जाते हैं। साथ ही मालिकों, ठीकेदारों की दुत्कार-गाली सुनने या मार खाते-खाते बच्चे दब्बू भी हो जाते हैं। दब्बू स्वभाव के हो जाने के कारण उनका जीवन भर शोषण होता रहता है और वे प्रतिकार करने का साहस नहीं कर पाते हैं।

कुछ बाल श्रमिक प्रतिशोध की ज्वाला में जलकर अपराध की दुनिया में भी प्रवेश कर जाते हैं। दब्बू बनकर अपना शोषण कराने या अपराधी बनकर दूसरों को सताने वाले दोनों तरह के बच्चे जीवन भर समाज के लिये बोझ बन जाते हैं। ऐसे बच्चे जीवन भर ना अपना विकास कर पाते हैं और ना ही समाज के विकास में योगदान दे पाते हैं।

बाल श्रम को बढ़ावा देने वाले कारकों में गरीबी का महत्वपूर्ण स्थान है। दरअसल, बाल श्रम और गरीबी में चोली-दामन का साथ होता है। गरीब माता-पिता या अभिभावक के लिए उनके बच्चे सम्पत्ति के माफिक होते हैं। ऐसे व्यक्ति मजबूरी में ही सही, लेकिन परिवार के खर्चों के लिये बच्चों से मजदूरी करवाने को अपना अधिकार समझते हैं। कुछ परिवारों का खर्चा तो सिर्फ बच्चों की आय से ही चलता है। शिक्षा-व्यवस्था के कारण भी बाल श्रम को बढ़ावा मिल रहा है। मौजूदा शिक्षा-व्यवस्था रोजगार की गारंटी नहीं दे सकती है और इस कारण गरीब परिवार के लोगों का शिक्षा पर अटूट विश्वास नहीं है। गरीब परिवार के माता-पिता सोचते हैं कि पढ़ाई-लिखाई में समय बर्बाद करने के बजाय उनका बच्चा कोई काम-धंधा या हुनर सीख ले ताकि दो पैसे आने की गारंटी हो जाये। इसलिये बच्चों को हुनर सीखने के लिये गैराजों, ईंट भट्ठों या दर्जी की दुकानों में लगा दिया जाता है या बर्तन मांजने के लिये होटलों-ढाबों में भेज दिया जाता है। अभिभावक सोचते हैं कि उनका बच्चा हुनर सीखकर बाद में अधिक धन कमा सकता है, लेकिन होता ठीक उल्टा है। बचपन से काम करने वाला बच्चा कुंठा के कारण कभी भी कुशल या प्रशिक्षित कारीगर बन नहीं पाता है। ऐसे में वह जीवन भर निम्नतम मजदूरी पर बंधुवा मजदूर के रूप में कार्य करता रहता है। कार्यकुशल नहीं होने के कारण उसे अन्यत्र काम मिलने में परेशानी होती है। वह सदा एक ही उपक्रम में लगा रहता है। कम मजदूरी में उसके परिवार का खर्चा नहीं चल पाता और वह अपने बच्चों को भी कार्य पर लगा देता है, जिससे बाल श्रम और गरीबी दोनों बने रहते हैं।

बाल श्रम का सबसे अधिक प्रभाव वयस्क श्रम पर पड़ता है। उद्यमियों को सस्ता बाल श्रम उपलब्ध होने के कारण वे वयस्क श्रमिकों की मांग नहीं करते हैं। ऐसे में स्थानीय स्तर पर वयस्क श्रमिकों की बेरोजगारी का समस्या बढ़ती जा रही है।

बाल मजदूरी एक सामाजिक कलंक है और बाल श्रम उन्मूलन के लिये सभी को प्रयास करना चाहिये। बाल श्रम उन्मूलन के लिये माता-पिता, जनता और नियोक्ता के सोच में बदलाव लाना होगा जिससे बाल मजदूरी उन्मूलन में इनका सहयोग मिल सके। बाल श्रम कराने वाले घरों के लोगों को लज्जित करने के लिये उनके घरों के दरवाजे पर सामाजिक कलंक का एक निषान भी लगाया जाना चाहिए। बच्चों को स्कूल नहीं भेजने वाले माता-पिता के विरुध्द कार्रवाई किये जाने वाले उपबंधों से ग्रामीणों को अवगत कराया जाना चाहिए। किसी कारण से स्कूल छोड़ चुके एवं अनामांकित बच्चों का विद्यालयों में शत-प्रतिशत नामांकन सुनिश्चित कराया जाना चाहिये। साथ ही बच्चों के भोजन, रुचिकर शिक्षा एवं मनोरंजन की व्यवस्था की जानी चाहिये। बाल मजदूरी कराने वाले परिवार के सदस्यों के रोजगार की व्यवस्था की जानी चाहिये ताकि वे अपने बच्चों से मजदूरी नहीं करायें। साथ ही बाल श्रम के विरुध्द एक सर्वमान्य सोच को सर्वसाधारण में विकसित करने की आवश्यकता है ताकि इसे एक आंदोलन का रूप दिया जा सके।

Development and Displacement in West Bengal: An Excerpt from a Forthcoming Paper -

2009-10-13T23:44:00.000-07:00

General Scenario

The first striking thing one observes in this field is the virtual absence of any empirical and theoretical work on development induced displacement in West Bengal. This of course does not mean that displacement and rehabilitation are non-existent in West Bengal, which in the pre-Independence period, was the leading state in terms of industrialisation, and where, after Independence, large industries and thermal power plants have been built up displacing many families (including tribals) from their agricultural land and homes.

West Bengal has also experienced large-scale mining on the western part of the state bordering Jharkhand.In an article published in 1989, Walter Fernandes and his co-workers, quoting from Government sources, have shown that for the Durgapur Steel Plantin Bardhaman district of West Bengal 6,633.44 hectares of land was acquired, which displaced 11,300 persons, 3.39 percent of whom were tribals (Fernandes et al. 1989). In the same article, Fernandes quoted another Government source which showed that up to 1983 there were 114 mines (all are coal mines) in West Bengal although he did not give any concrete figure about the total number of displaced persons owing to the acquisition of land for the establishment of mines. Through extrapolation, Fernandes, however, arrived at an estimate of 1,380 displaced persons per mine in India which brings out a figure of 1,57,320 persons in case of West Bengal.

In more recent period, particularly since the adoption of a liberalised economic policy by the Central Government, quite a good number of development projects have been launched by the West Bengal Government and many more will be coming up in near future. The building up of a new township near Kolkata and the establishment of industries in the rural areas of West Bengal including a port centered industrial complex at Haldia in the Purba Medinipur district constitute the recent development package of the Government of West Bengal. For the successful implementation of this development policy large scale acquisition of land has already been taken place in West Bengal, which displaced quite a good number of small and marginal farmers.

No published statistics on displaced (DP) and project affected persons (PAP), let alone their caste/tribe affiliation, are available from any official source of Government of West Bengal. Displacement and rehabilitation have not yet entered into the official agenda of the Government of West Bengal like the routinised recording of bargadars (sharecroppers) and the number of landless labourers who have been given land by the Government.

On the other hand, the West Bengal scenario is yet to figure in any substantial manner in the academic literature with respect to land acquisition,development induced displacement and rehabilitation. There exist at least four special volumes of important Indian journals devoted exclusively to displacement and rehabilitation, but none of them contain any case study or policy-oriented paper on West Bengal. These journals are Social Action (Vol. 45, No. 3, 1995, July – Sept.), Lokayan Bulletin (Vol. 11, No. 5, 1995), Economic and Political Weekly (Vol. XXXI, No. 24, June 1996) and Eastern Anthropologist (Vol. 53, Nos. 1-2, January-June 2000).
The same is true about recently published monographs viz., Development Displacement and Rehabilitation edited by Walter Fernandes and EnakshiGanguly Thukral (1989), The Uprooted (1990) edited by V. Sudarsen and M.A. Kalam and Development Projects and Impoverishment Risks edited by Hari Mohan Mathur and David Marsden (2000).

Very recently, Partha Chatterjee, a renowned political scientist, has undertaken a study on resettlement and rehabilitation in West Bengal. His paper, which is still unpublished was presented in a workshop on “Social Development Research” in West Bengal held during 6-7 July 2000 at the Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Kolkata.

In this significant paper, Chatterjee has pointed out that participatory rehabilitation through NGOs has become a “mantra” which is being repeated by the Governments, funding agencies, experts and activists but “little attention has been given to the specific forms of practice through which appropriate and adequate ‘participation’ can be ensured” (Chatterjee 2000). Chatterjee used three cases of displacement and consequent rehabilitation in West Bengal to assess the role of the political parties’ vis-à-vis Government bureaucracy in providing rehabilitation to PAP in West Bengal. His findings on the political processes that centered around the rehabilitation mechanisms of the recent industrialisation in Haldia (1988-91) and theestablishment of new township in Rajarhat clearly demonstrated the dominance of the local political society over the Government administration. Quite interestingly, in both the cases, the distribution of rehabilitation benefits was based on a ground-level agreement between the representatives of the ruling and the opposition political parties of West Bengal. The net result of this process was the distribution of a better and quicker rehabilitation package to the project affected families than it would have been made by the usual land acquisition procedure carried out by the bureaucratic machinery alone. In West Bengal, it was the political society (represented by the political parties) rather than the civil society (represented by the NGOs), which took the role of a mediator between the state and the PAP. Field based empirical accounts of development caused displacement in West Bengal was published for the first time by the author of this article in journals based on a case study in erstwhile Medinipur district (Guha 2004a). Land Acquisition in West Bengal : Legal Developmental and Policy Dimensions.

Land acquisition in West Bengal has a special significance in the context of the pro-peasant land reform policies adopted and implemented by the LeftFront Government in West Bengal since it came to power in 1977. Almost all the studies conducted by the researchers on displacement in other states of India did not take into consideration the dampening effects of land acquisition on small peasants and sharecroppers who are the real beneficiaries of land reforms.

Agricultural land is not only a socio-cultural and economic category for the peasants in a rural setting but the rights of the people over such landdepend on the functioning of a specific set of legal, administrative and policy apparatus with which a particular state power is endowed in a given period of time. The functioning of the legal, administrative and policy apparatus of the state power do not again operate in a cultural vacuum. The differing and sometimes quite opposing perspectives on issues around development form the cultural context within which the state apparatus functions.

According to the Land Acquisition Act, the state can exercise its right of eminent domain wherein it is the ultimate owner of all land, which it can acquire for public purposes after paying full compensation calculated on the basis of market value. Despite several amendments of the Act after Independence, the two basic principles of land acquisition, viz. (i) public purpose and (ii) compensation on market value, remain unchanged. The various criticisms of Land Acquisition Act in India have also centered around these two cardinal principles. One of the major criticisms of the Land Acquisition Act is that the expression “public purpose” is nowhere defined in the Act and in India the courts do not have the power to decide whether the purpose behind a particular acquisition was a public purpose. The court can only direct the Collector to hear the objections of a person whose land hand been acquired, but the Collector may not always listen to the objections raised by the legal owner of the land.
The second criticism of the Land Acquisition is anthropological in nature. It says that the calculation of compensation on the basis of market value not only deprives the landowner, but it also hides the various socio-cultural dimensions of land ownership in an agrarian society. Land does not onlyhave a market price at the time of acquisition, but it also serves various social, political and psychological functions to its owner. The ownership ofa small piece of land can empower a landless family and increase the status and prestige of that family in the local milieu. A piece of land supports a family for a number of generations, not simply its present members at the time of acquisition. But these important dimensions of land and its ownership in an agricultural society are not considered for calculation of its value while giving compensation to a landloser.

Beside these two criticisms, there are others which grew out of the lengthy discourse and debate carried out by activists, scholars, legal experts andnon-governmental organisations on the various shortcomings of this Act. The criticisms are as follows:
1. The Land Acquisition Act only deals with compensation and not rehabilitation of project affected persons whose lands have been acquired. Theresponsibility of the state towards the affected persons ends with the payment of compensation.
2. The Act considers the payment of compensation to individuals who have legal ownership rights over land. This means that under this Act no compensation is payable to landless labourers, forest land users and forest produce collectors, artisans and shifting hill cultivators because they do not have any legal right over land, although these groups of people are also affected when agricultural and forest lands are acquired for development projects. In West Bengal, the state Government had to make an amendment in the LA Act (it was done in the 1960s) in order to provide compensation to sharecroppers (bargadars), who also suffered loss of livelihood because of acquisition of agricultural land.
3. The Land Acquisition Act only recognises individual property rights, but not community rights over land. As a consequence, the usefructory rights of the tribal and non-tribal communities over common land do not find any place in this law. So when village common lands are acquired, no compensation in any form is provided to the village communities who derive various types of benefits (e.g. cattle grazing, fuelwood collection etc.) from these lands. The Land Acquisition Act does not have any scope for this kind of compensation for loss of common pool resources (CPR). Interestingly, in the vast rural areas of India, privately owned agricultural lands are also used as common grazing lands by the villagers in the post-harvest season. The Land Acquisition Act has no provision to compensate the villagers who may not be the owners of a particular piece of agricultural land but enjoyed usefructory rights of cattle grazing on this land after the harvest of the crops (Guha 2004b). It has already been discussed in the preceding section that no systematic and comprehensive study on land acquisition in West Bengal exist till today. There is no baseline empirical survey on the nature and extent of land acquired in West Bengal for various development projects, nor is there any research on thespecific problems of application of the Central and State Acts on land acquisition in West Bengal. Recently, Walter Fernandes and his team haveundertaken a comprehensive macro-level empirical survey (sponsored by the Ministry of Rural Areas and Employment Govt. of India and North-Eastern Social Research Council, a research oriented NGO) on the nature and extent of development induced displacement and rehabilitation in the 16 districts of West Bengal for the period 1951 – 1995. Being one of the research supervisors in the aforesaid research project for the South Bengal districts (Medinipur, Bankura, Purulia and Hughly), it is within the knowledge of the present author that the results of this survey may be published in future (personal communication Walter Fernandes, 2000).
Since Independence, besides the colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894, there existed another State Act entitled West Bengal Land (Requisition andAcquisition) Act, 1948. The latter Act is no more applicable in West Bengal since 31 March 1993 by a decision of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly. In fact, when this particular piece of legislation was first enacted in the State Assembly it was stipulated that the Act has to be renewed in the Assembly by a majority decision every five years since this is a very powerful and coercive law. The Government opinion was that the State of West Bengal, which had to receive millions of refugees from erstwhile East Pakistan just after Independence, needed huge amount of land for various developmental purposes. For this reason, the Government was in need of an Act, which was more powerful than the colonial Act in acquiring land from the private owners. By West Bengal Land (Requisition and Acquisition) Act the Government could first requisition a particular piece of land for which the payment of compensation may not be made before the land take-over while in the earlier LA Act of 1894 the Government could not take possession of any land without payment of compensation. In the absence of any district by district published records on the amount of land acquired by West Bengal Government by the two Land Acquisition Acts it is not possible to make any assessment of the policy directions of the state Government in acquiring land by these two Acts which vary in their basic approach towards the payment of compensation to the project affected people. But the long period (1948 – 1993), that is nearly 45 years, during which the West Bengal Government has kept this powerful Act alive is itself an evidence of its frequent application. In terms of political composition, it should be noted that during this long period both Congress and Left ruled Governments, who were in power, continuously renewed the Requisition and Acquisition Act of 1948 in the State assembly.

The debates and discussions that took place in the West Bengal Assembly around West Bengal Land (Requisition and Acquisition) Act 1948 revealed certain interesting points which are enumerated below:
1. Without any exception, the political party in power (Congress or Left) invariably justified the extension of Act-II for quicker acquisition of land for various development works.
2. Both the Congress and the Left Parties criticised the oppressive character of the West Bengal Land (Requisition and Acquisition) Act, 1948 whenever they were in opposition although representatives of the parties in the Legislative Assembly went for vote on the bill twice only. It seems that whether the parties would go for vote depended on factors other than the immediate issue at hand.
3. The delay in the payment of compensation seemed to be the most commonly accepted issue which was raised in the Assembly and no substantial improvement seemed to have taken place with regard to the time taken for the payment of compensation.
4. No member ever raised the point that the Government has a moral responsibility for rehabilitation of the displaced persons due to the acquisition of land. It may be noted in this connection that the Report of the Expert Group on Land Acquisition formed by the Ministry of Agriculture, Govt. of India, which was published in 1967, categorically mentioned rehabilitation of displaced persons as a “moral responsibility” of the Government.Since 1967, no member of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly, irrespective of political affiliation, was found to have made use of the aforesaid report of the Expert Committee to demand rehabilitation of displaced persons during debate sessions on Act-II. Incidentally, the report is still available in the Library of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly.
5. It is only the Left Members who have suggested that the rates of compensation for the rich and the poor should also be different but they did not make any move towards the differential payment of compensation through amendments in either Act-I or Act-II since they are in power from 1977.
6. The speech delivered by the Land and Land Reforms Minister of the Left Front in the 103rd session of the Assembly on 23 February 1994 revealed the pace at which the land acquisition process was in operation in West Bengal (15,000 pending cases under Act II). One could easily infer from this the kind of harassment caused to the displaced persons in the districts of West Bengal although no member (belonging to Left or Congress party) spoke on this issue in the Assembly. Every political party seemed to have taken the stand that this harassment of the people of West Bengal caused by land acquisition was an inevitable outcome which has to be shouldered by the poor farmers for the sake of development of the state (W.B.Legislative Assembly Proceedings 1956, 1963, 1967, 1970, 1972, 1973, 1978, 1983, 1989, 1991, 1992, 1994).

Reference : http://sanhati.com/articles/203/

एड्स रोगियों की बढ़ती तादाद - संजय साजन

2009-10-13T01:05:00.000-07:00

आज कोडरमा समेत राज्य के विभिन्न जिलों गिरिडीह, चतरा, हजारीबाग, दुमका, गोड्डा, पाकुड़ समेत अन्य जिलों के हजारों बेरोजगार युवक रोजी-रोटी के जुगाड़ हेतु काम की तलाश में मुम्बई, कोलकाता, दिल्ली, चेन्नई की ओर बड़ी तेजी से रूख कर रहे हैं, और वहां से लौटने के क्रम में वे सौगात के रूप में 'एड्स' जैसी घातक बीमारी साथ ला रहे हैं.
बताया जाता है कि काम की तलाश में महानगरों में पहुंचे युवक गलत संगत में पड़कर तथा अपनी इच्छा और भूख मिटाने के लिए 'रेड-लाइट' एरिया का रूख करते हैं. जहां वे युवक जिस्मानी भूख मिटाने के चक्कर में खुद अपनी जवानी को मौत के कुंए में धकेलने को विवश हैं.
आज पूरे राज्य में एड्स पीड़ितों की संख्या में व्यापक इजाफा हुआ है, लेकिन सरकार के रहनुमा व गैर सरकारी संगठनों के लोग भी इस बावत आगे नहीं आ रहे हैं. नतीजा एड्स संक्रमण के कारण पीड़ित अपनी जीवन-लीला को धीरे-धीरे जाते स्वयं देखने को बाध्य हैं.
जानकारी के अनुसार अकेले कोडरमा जिले में ही अब तक इस एड्स नामक बीमारी की चपेट में आने से 20 से ज्यादा लोगों की मौत हो चुकी है. जिसमें कोडरमा जिले के डोमचांच ओपी क्षेत्र में ही आठ एड्स मरीजों के मरने की सूचना है, जबकि मरकच्चो प्रखंड क्षेत्रों, जयनगर, चंदवारा, सतगांवा तथा निकट के गांव पीहरा में लगभग 15 लोगों की मौत इस खतरनाक बीमारी की वजह से होने की सूचना है. इससे एक बात साफ होती है कि एड्स का कहर आज पूरे झारखंड में फैलता जा रहा है और जिस तेजी से इसका फैलाव हो रहा है. इसे यदि नहीं रोका गया तो वह दिन दूर नहीं जब इसकी संख्या कई गुणा बढ़ जायेगी.
इस बावत अगर झारखंड एड्स कंट्रोल सोसायटी के द्वारा विगत दिनों के आंकड़े पर गौर करें तो उसमें बताया गया कि कुल आठ लोगों की मौत एड्स नामक बीमारी की वजह से हुई है जबकि संयुक्त राष्ट्र के आंकड़े में यह संख्या कई गुणा अधिक बतायी गयी. यद्यपि विश्व स्तर पर एड्स संक्रमण के स्तर में गिरावट आयी है, किंतु कुछ देशों और क्षेत्रों में एड्स संक्रमण के मामले भी बढ़े हैं. आज विश्व में 3.95 करोड़ व्यक्ति एचआइवी संक्रमित है. 43 लाख नये मामले दर्ज किये गये. जिसमें 28 लाख मामले सब सहारा अफ्रीका के देशों में सामने आये. पूर्वी यूरोप और मध्य एशिया में भी एड्स के मामले में वृध्दि दर्ज की गयी. इन इलाकों में एड्स संक्रमण के मामले में वर्ष 2004 के मुकाबले 50 प्रतिशत की वृध्दि हुई. इस तरह एड्स जनित बीमारियों के कारण 30 लाख व्यक्तियों की मौत होने की बात संयुक्त राष्ट्र की रिपोर्ट में बतायी गयी है. वर्ष 2001 में एड्स नियंत्रण कार्यक्रम पर 1.6 अरब डॉलर व्यय सुनिश्चित किया गया. वहीं वर्ष '05 में यह राशि बढ़कर 8.3 अरब डॉलर कर दी गयी. यहां जारी रिपोर्ट में बताया गया कि वर्ष '08 तक इस कार्यक्रम पर 20 लाख डॉलर खर्च की आवश्यकता होगी. 11 अफ्रीकी देशों में से छह देशों की राजधानियों में 15.24 आयु वर्ग में एचआइवी संक्रमण के स्तर में 25 प्रतिशत की कमी दर्ज की गयी. रिपोर्ट में कहा गया कि एड्स जागरूकता अभियान में भी काफी तेजी आयी है. 58 देशों के 74 प्रतिशत प्राथमिक स्कूलों और 81 प्रतिशत माध्यमिक विद्यालयों में एड्स शिक्षा प्रदान की जा रही है. वहीं दूसरी ओर राज्य सरकार ने एड्स जागरूकता हेतु उड़ान नामक पुस्तक की पढ़ाई की भी योजना बनायी, लेकिन विरोध के बाद सरकार ने इस ओर से अपने हाथ खींच लिये. इस बावत दलित विकास बिंदु के अशोक सिंह तथा समर्पण संस्था के इंद्रमणि ने बताया कि जिले में तो कभी-कभी इस बावत जांच होती है, लेकिन दूर-दराज गांवों में बसने वाले वैसे परिवार की जांच नहीं हो पाती है जिसे दो वक्त की रोटी भी नसीब नहीं हो पाती है. यहां इन ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों में स्वास्थ्यकर्मी उग्रवाद का बहाना बनाकर जाते ही नहीं.

जनजातीय समुदाय और रेशम उद्योग - ब्रजमोहन ओझा

2009-10-13T00:45:00.000-07:00

शम प्राचीनकाल से ही भारत का ा उत्पादक देश है। भारत में रेशम की चारों किस्में मलवरी, इरी, तसर और मूंगा का उत्पादन होता है। वैसे तो देश के कुल रेशम उत्पादन का आधा से अधिक भाग कर्नाटक में ही उत्पादित किया जाता है, लेकिन तसर रेशम के उत्पादन में झारखंड का स्थान अग्रणी है। भारतीय रेशम उद्योग में तसर रेशम का महत्वपूर्ण योगदान है। झारखंड राज्य के परिप्रेक्ष्य में इसकी महत्ता और भी बढ़ जाती है, क्योंकि तसर रेशम उद्योग आदिवासियों का परंपरागत उद्योग है एवं इनकी संस्कृति से अभिन्न रूप से जुड़ा हुआ है। झारखंड की तीस जनजातियां इस उद्योग से किसी न किसी रूप से जुड़ी हुई हैं।

झारखंड में वनों का विस्तार लगभग 23,253 वर्ग कि.मी. है जो राज्य के कुल भूमि क्षेत्र का 29.3 प्रतिशत है। तसर रेशम का उत्पादन वनों पर आधारित होने के कारण इसके अनुकूल यहां माहौल उपलब्ध है। एक अध्यनन के अनुसार झारखंड में 60 हजार रेशम कीटपालक परिवार तसर संवर्धन में लगे हुए हैं। विभिन्न पंचवर्षीय योजना अवधि में राज्य में तसर रेशम के उत्पादन में उतार-चढ़ाव होता रहा है। प्रथम योजना के शुरुआती वर्ष 1951-52 में झारखंड में तसर रेशम का उत्पादन 46.80 मीट्रिक टन था जो तृतीय योजना के अंतिम वर्ष 1965-66 में बढ़कर 106-82 मीट्रिक टन हो गया। पांचवीं योजना, जो एक वर्ष पूर्व ही समाप्त कर दी गयी थी, के अंतिम वर्श 1977-78 में उत्पादन बढ़कर 300 मीट्रिक टन हो गया। इसके बाद के वर्षों में इसके उत्पादन में ज्यादा उतार-चढ़ाव देखने को मिलता है। छठी योजना के प्रारंभिक वर्ष 1980-81 में जहां इसका उत्पादन घटकर 168 मीट्रिक टन पर आ गया, वहीं इसी योजना के समाप्त वर्ष 1984-85 में इसका उत्पादन बढ़कर 290 मीट्रिक टन हो गया। सातवीं योजना के दूसरे वर्ष 1986-87 में अब तक का रिकार्ड उत्पादन 438 मीट्रिक टन हुआ, लेकिन इसके बाद की अवधि में उत्पादन में लगातार गिरावट आयी है। आठवीं योजना के प्रारंभिक वर्ष 1992-93 में 265 मीट्रिक टन उत्पादन हुआ तो नौवीं योजना के प्रारंभिक वर्ष 1997-98 में यह घटकर 144 मीट्रिक टन रह गया। 2001-02 में तो उत्पादन घटकर दो अंकों में आ गया। अत आवश्यकता है इस उद्योग के विकास में आ रही रुकावट को दूर करने व उचित मार्गदर्शन की।

राज्य में कुल 73 हजार करघे चल रहे हैं जिनमें 10.5 प्रतिशत रेशम धागे का उपयोग होता है। अगर उपलब्ध संसाधनों का विवेकपूर्ण उपयोग किया जाए तो तसर धागों एवं वस्त्रों के उत्पादन में उल्लेखनीय वृध्दि हो सकती है। इस उद्योग को समृध्द कर राज्य में आर्थिक प्रगति के साथ-साथ पर्यावरण एवं पारिस्थितिकी में वांछित सुधार भी किया जा सकता है। इससे वानिकी एवं कुटीर उद्योगों के विकास का नया द्वार भी खुलेगा। बदलते परिवेश में वन-संपदा एवं पर्यावरण संरक्षण, ग्रामीण नियोजन एवं बंजर भूमि का उचित उपयोग तथा कुटीर उद्योगों की स्थापना की दृष्टि से तसर उद्योग पर अधिक ध्यान देने की जरूरत है। राज्य के वनों में साल एवं आसन के पेड़ बहुतायत से मिलते हैं जो तसर रेशम कीट के प्रमुख भोज्य पौधे हैं। राज्य की अप्रयोज्य बंजर भूमि पर तसर भोज्य पौधों को लगाकर, वनाच्छादित कर तसर रेशम कीट पालन किया जा सकता है। इसके माध्यम से लाखों लोगों को रोजगार देकर उन्हें विकास के मुख्यधारा से जोड़ा जा सकता है। तसर रेशम उत्पादन की आधुनिक तकनीक का व्यापक प्रचार-प्रसार करने से न केवल तसर रेशम प्राप्ति हेतु वनों पर निर्भरता कम होगी, अपितु जलावन तथा चारे की समस्या का भी कुछ हद तक समाधान होगा। रेशम कीटों के उत्सर्ग के भूमि पर गिरने एवं उनके विघटन से मृदा को पोषक तत्वों की प्राप्ति होगी और भूमि की उर्वरा शक्ति में वृध्दि होगी। तसर रेशम उत्पादन के श्रम आधारित होने के कारण अनेकों गतिविधियों में मानव श्रम सृजन के पर्याप्त अवसर हैं। तसर रेशम संवर्ध्दन द्वारा बेरोजगारी की समस्या के समाधान में सहायता मिलेगी और रोजगार की खोज में शहरों की ओर होनेवाला पलायन भी कम होगा। स्थानीय ग्रामीणों को रेशम उत्पादन और वन प्रबंधन में प्रशिक्षण एवं सुविधाएं प्रदान कर वनों को बिना क्षति पहुंचाए तसर रेशम उत्पादन कार्य करने हेतु प्रेरित किया जा सकता है। भारत की लगभग 50 प्रतिशत जनसंख्या महिलाओं की है जिसमें 70 प्रतिशत महिलाएं ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों में ही रहती हैं। रेशम उद्योग में महिलाओं की भागीदारी 50-60 प्रतिशत है। अतैव झारखंड में रेशम उद्योग में महिलाओं की सहभागिता द्वारा उनके उत्थान की दिशा में महत्वपूर्ण योगदान किया जा सकता है।